Malthus, T. R. (Thomas Robert), 1766-1834; Malthusianism
This is what prevents the economist from making any exact predictions
about the effect of the _vis mediatrix reipublicæ_. He may, like Adam
Smith, find it doing good work in the undermining of feudalism,[237] and
he may point out that at any rate it would make a better guide to the
world than military glory, which means unhappiness to one-half the
world, and a very mingled happiness to the other half. But he cannot
predict its effect on men whose characters are unknown to him. He cannot
even tell whether a man is wealthy or not, till he knows what his wants
are, for wealth exists to satisfy wants, wants change with human
progress, the notion of wealth expands with civilization, and the
luxuries of one age and one man are the necessaries of another. It is
impossible to treat this relative question as if its conditions were
absolute, and to deal with men as we would with figures on a slate. Two
and two do not always make four in such a case, but sometimes five, and
frequently only three. A new vista of comfort spread before different
men may stimulate one, spoil another, and leave a third unmoved.
It is not surprising then that the question, “By what various modes is
population kept to the level of the food in the states of modern
Europe?” is not a simple one. On some grounds it would seem
comparatively easy to get the answer. There are figures to be had, and
in many cases a census; there is a general similarity of circumstances
which produces a general similarity of habits, and, therewith, of the
movements of population. But there is no invariable order of mortality
and generation. The rates of births and deaths are not the same for all
nations; they depend on the conduct of human beings, and may differ not
only in different countries, but in different parts of the same country.
In the same way, we have no single statistical criterion of the healthy
state of a population, just as it might be said we have no single
criterion of the commercial prosperity of a country, still less of its
happiness. The two former stand to the last as the parts to the whole. A
healthy population and a prosperous trade are parts of the happiness of
a nation, though they do not constitute the whole of it. To ascertain
whether a nation is happy or not, we have to take into account these two
parts of happiness along with many others. The parts in their turn
consist of many parts. We measure the state of trade not only by imports
and exports, railway, banking and Clearing House returns, and the gains
of the public revenue, but by subscriptions to churches, charities, and
schools, by savings banks and benefit societies, sales of books,
pictures, and luxuries of all kinds, by the state of workmen’s wages, by
the poor-law returns, by the number of marriages, emigrants, and
recruits for the army; and we could make little use of most of these
figures without the census returns and the reports of the Registrar
General.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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