Marion Harland's Autobiography: The Story of a Long LifeHarland, Marion
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Marion Harland's Autobiography: The Story of a Long Life
Harland, Marion
Authors, American -- 19th century -- Biography; Harland, Marion, 1830-1922
“It seems a pity”—I observed, as we looked across the creek down into
the distant meadow, where men and boys were moving to and fro, and
smoke was rising from fires that had been kindled overnight—“that the
Democrats should go to so much expense and trouble only to be defeated
at last.”
“They may not be so sure as you are that they are working for nothing,”
answered my father, smiling good-humoredly. “They have had some
victories to boast of in the past.”
“Yes!” I assented, reluctantly. “As, for instance, when Colonel Hopkins
was sent to the Legislature! Father, I wish you had agreed to go when
they begged you to let them elect you!”
The smile was now a laugh.
“To nominate me, you mean. A very different matter from election, my
daughter. Not that I cared for either. If I may be instrumental in the
hands of Providence in helping to put the right man into the right
place, my political ambitions will be satisfied.”
“I do hope that Powhatan will go for Clay!” ejaculated I, fervently.
“And I think it an outrage that the Richmond voters cannot come up to
the help of the right, at the presidential election.”
“The law holds that the real strength of the several states would not
be properly represented if this were allowed,” was the reply.
I saw the justice of the law later in life. Then it was oppressive, to
my imagination.
That most doubtful blessing of enlightened freemen—universal
suffrage—had not as yet been thrust upon the voters of the United
States. In Virginia, the man who held the franchise must not only be
“free, white, and twenty-one,” but he must be a land-owner to the
amount of at least twenty-five dollars. Any free white of the masculine
gender owning twenty-five dollars’ worth of real estate in any county
had a vote there. If he owned lands of like value in ten counties,
he might deposit a vote in each of them, if he could reach them all
between sunrise and sunset on Election Day. It was esteemed a duty by
the Richmond voter—the city being overwhelmingly Whig—to distribute his
influence among doubtful counties in which he was a property-holder.
He held and believed for certain that he had a right to protect his
interests wherever they might lie.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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