The kind of government for which the Jeffersonian democracy
successfully battled for more than a century was thus repudiated;
centralization was invited; State rights were assassinated in the very
citadel of State rights. The charter of local self-government become a
scrap of paper, the way is open for the obliteration of the States in
all their essential functions and the erection of a Federal Government
more powerful than anything of which Alexander Hamilton dared to dream.
When the history of these times comes to be written it may be said of
Woodrow Wilson: he rose to world celebrity by circumstance rather than
by character. He was favored of the gods. He possessed a bright,
forceful mind. His achievements were thrust upon him. Though it
sometimes ran away with him, his pen possessed extraordinary facility.
Thus he was ever able to put his best foot foremost. Never in the
larger sense a leader of men as were Chatham and Fox, as were
Washington, Clay and Lincoln; nor of ideas as were Rousseau, Voltaire
and Franklin, he had the subtle tenacity of Louis the Eleventh of
France, the keen foresight of Richelieu with a talent for the
surprising which would have raised him to eminence in journalism. In
short he was an opportunist void of conviction and indifferent to
consistency.
The pen is mightier than the sword only when it has behind it a heart
as well as a brain. He who wields it must be brave, upright and
steadfast. We are giving our Chief Executive enormous powers. As a rule
his wishes prevail. His name becomes the symbol of party loyalty. Yet
it is after all a figure of speech not a personality that appeals to
our sense of duty without necessarily engaging our affection.
Historic Republicanism is likewise dead, as dead as historic Democracy,
only in both cases the labels surviving.
IV
We are told by Herbert Spencer that the political superstition of the
past having been the divine right of kings, the political superstition
of the present is the divine right of parliaments and he might have
said of peoples. The oil of anointing seems unawares, he thinks, to
have dripped from the head of the one upon the heads of the many, and
given sacredness to them also, and to their decrees.
That the Proletariat, the Bolsheviki, the People are on the way seems
plain enough. How far they will go, and where they will end, is not so
clear. With a kind of education—most men taught to read, very few to
think—the masses are likely to demand yet more and more for themselves.
They will continue strenuously and effectively to resent the startling
contrasts of fortune which aptitude and opportunity have created in a
social and political structure claiming to rest upon the formula
“equality for all, special privilege for none.”
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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