disowned the authorship of the compromising clauses. But if her denial
was worthless as evidence of her innocence, the assertion of a forger in
the employ of her enemies was likewise worthless as evidence of her
guilt. Why, then, were not the original papers laid before the
commissioners, that she might be reduced to silence by the evidence of
her own and of her secretary’s handwriting? Shall we be asked to believe
that Walsingham, if he had all he needed in the original, would have had
recourse to a copy? Indeed, Mary’s letter, as it has reached us through
Philipps and Walsingham, presents an incoherence of parts which, even if
every other reason were wanting, would render its genuineness extremely
doubtful. The argument founded on this incoherence has been frequently
used, but its strength remains unimpaired. Mary orders that nothing
shall be done towards releasing her from prison until Elizabeth is
murdered. Four horsemen are to be kept in readiness to immediately
inform her that this has been accomplished. Then she is to be set at
liberty, but care must be taken that the army prepared to receive her,
or the stronghold destined to shelter her, be such as will render her
person secure, for (she writes) "it were sufficient excuse given to that
queen in catching me again, to enclose me in some hold, out of which I
should never escape, if she did use me no worse." This precaution
against the revenge of Elizabeth is quite natural, and just what we
should expect from Mary in her letter to Babington; but it would be
inconceivable and absurd if Mary had already made provision that
Elizabeth should first of all be murdered. Had Philipps forged the
entire letter, he would not have committed this blunder, but even an
expert may reveal his identity when he attempts to interpolate a lengthy
document.
It will avail but little to insist that there remains what Froude calls
the "positive proof of two very credible witnesses" in support of the
charge against the Scottish queen. These "very credible witnesses" were
Mary’s secretaries, Nau and Curle; and the "positive proof" was their
subscription to a "copy"--that ever recurring "copy"--of Mary’s
deciphered answer to Babington’s last letter, which had been wrung from
them in circumstances little calculated to enhance its value.
Since their forced separation from Mary at Chartley, they had been
carefully guarded and accurately learned the nature of the evidence
which they were expected to give. On the 20th. September, Babington and
six of his associates were made a ghastly and terrifying spectacle to
every weak-hearted friend of Mary’s. "They were all hanged but for a
moment, according to the letter of the sentence, taken down while the
susceptibility of agony was unimpaired, and cut in pieces afterwards,
with due precautions for the protraction of pain."[#]
[#] Froude, "History of England," Vol. XII., Chap. 69.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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