Maxims and Opinions of Field-Marshal His Grace the Duke of Wellington, Selected From His Writings and Speeches During a Public Life of More Than Half a CenturyWellington, Arthur Wellesley, Duke of
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Maxims and Opinions of Field-Marshal His Grace the Duke of Wellington, Selected From His Writings and Speeches During a Public Life of More Than Half a Century
Wellington, Arthur Wellesley, Duke of
Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 19th century; Wellington, Arthur Wellesley, Duke of, 1769-1852
We hear, sometimes, of radical reform; and we know that the term applies
to universal suffrage, vote by ballot, annual parliaments, and their
consequences. But, I declare, that looking at these changes pervading
every part of the representation, root and branch, destroying or
changing everything that has existed, even to the relative numbers of
the representatives from the three kingdoms fixed by treaty, I should
call this a radical reform, rather than reform of any other description.
* * * * *
I cannot but consider that the House of Commons returned by it will be a
democratical assembly of the worst description; that radical reform,
vote by ballot, and all the evil consequences to be expected from the
deliberations of such an assembly, must follow from this establishment.
I entreat your Lordships to pause before you agree to establish such a
system in your country.
_October 4, 1831._
* * * * *
_The popular Will no ground for conceding Reform._
But we are told that the people wish for this measure; and when we
express our sense of the danger which attends it, on account of the
democratical power which it tends to establish, an endeavour is made to
calm our apprehensions, by the assurance that the people are attached to
the Government of King, Lords, and Commons.
If we are to rely upon that feeling of the people--if we are to adopt
this measure because it is the pleasure of the people, and because they
are attached to the Government of King, Lords, and Commons, why do we
not, at once, adopt the measure which we know the people prefer--I mean
radical reform; that is to say, universal suffrage, vote by ballot, and
annual parliaments? If we are to make a change, there can be no reason
for not going the full length that the people wish, if we can be sure
that the measure will not injure the Government--that to which they are
attached--of King, Lords, and Commons.
_October 4, 1831._
_Necessity of the Influence of Property in the House of Commons._
But before we go further, it is desirable that we should examine what is
the Government of King, Lords, and Commons, as established in this
kingdom. In this Government the King is at the head of everything. All
the power is in his hands. He is the head of the Church, the head of the
law. Justice is administered in his name. He is the protector of the
peace of the country, the head of its political negociations, and of its
armed force--not a shilling of public money can be expended without his
order and signature. But, notwithstanding these immense powers, the King
can do nothing that is contrary to law, or to the engagements of himself
or his predecessors.
* * * * *
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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