their sentiments, and are followed by many who voted against it last time, I beg them to recollect, that they will partake of a large portion of this responsibility, and that the country will look to them as responsible for whatever may occur.[17] [Footnote 17: The bill was soon after carried by a species of compromise, Peers staying away from the division.] _April_ 10,1832. * * * * * _Revolutions may be effected by Laws as well as by Violence._ The noble earl (Grey) yesterday challenged me with saying that this bill is revolutionary. What I have always said is, that it has a revolutionary tendency; and I think it has a tendency so strong in that way that it must lead to revolution. The noble earl has said there is no violence; but, my Lords, revolutions may be effected by laws as well as by violence. I know there is no violence. Why, my Lords, there can be no violence,--the King's Government and the House of Commons are leagued with those who call out for change,--and there can be no occasion for resorting to violence. But, my Lords, this is not the only objection. One of the great and leading objections in my mind to this measure is, that it is one which goes to destroy that most invaluable principle of our existing constitution, the principle of prescription, which sanctions the descent and secures the possession of all kinds of property in this country. _April_ 10,1832. * * * * * _The Demagogue will drive the Gentleman from the Representation._