Maxims and Opinions of Field-Marshal His Grace the Duke of Wellington, Selected From His Writings and Speeches During a Public Life of More Than Half a CenturyWellington, Arthur Wellesley, Duke of
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Maxims and Opinions of Field-Marshal His Grace the Duke of Wellington, Selected From His Writings and Speeches During a Public Life of More Than Half a Century
Wellington, Arthur Wellesley, Duke of
Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 19th century; Wellington, Arthur Wellesley, Duke of, 1769-1852
I have repeatedly declared my earnest wish to see the Roman Catholic
question settled. I believe nothing could ever have been more distinct
or explicit than my expression of that wish; and is it a matter of
surprise that the person entertaining it should avail himself of the
first opportunity of proposing the adoption of that which, over and over
again, he declared himself anxiously to wish? On this particular
question I had long ago made up my mind, as a member of this house, to
take a particular course. It may be thought peculiar as a matter of
taste; but, for many years, I have acted upon the determination never to
vote for the affirmation of this question until the Government, acting
as a Government, should propose it to the legislature. My noble relation
(Lord Longford) knows, that ever since the year 1810, the several
successive Governments of this country have been formed upon a principle
which prevented their ever proposing, as a Government, the adoption of
any measure of relief in regard to the Catholics. In order to the
formation of a cabinet which, acting as a Government, could propose this
measure, it was, in the first place, necessary to obtain the consent of
that individual, the most interested by his station, his duty, and the
most sacred of all obligations, of any individual in the empire. It was
necessary, I say, that I should obtain the consent of that individual,
before the members of the Government could consider the question as a
Government one. Now, under such circumstances as these, would it have
been proper in me to have breathed a syllable on the subject, until I
had obtained the consent of the illustrious personage to whom I have
alluded?[10] I call upon my noble relative to answer this question, if
he can, in the negative. I beg of my noble relative to ask himself this
question, whether I was wrong in having kept secret my views, since the
month of July or August, not talking to any man upon the subject, until
I had the consent of that exalted personage, to form a Government upon
the principle of taking the question to which I have alluded into
consideration? My noble relative ought to place himself in my
situation--he ought to see what was expected of me; and then, instead of
blaming me for acting as I have done, he would see that, if I had acted
otherwise, I should have been highly blameable. When the question had
been decided--when I received the permission, so as to be enabled to
make the declaration--on not having made which, alone the accusation of
surprise can be founded--the opening of the session was so near, that it
was impossible to make known what had occurred earlier, or in any other
manner than by the speech from the Throne.
[Footnote 10: Lord Longford had accused him of concealment.]
_February 10, 1829._
* * * * *
_The Emancipation Bill not the result of Fear._
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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