Maxims and Opinions of Field-Marshal His Grace the Duke of Wellington, Selected From His Writings and Speeches During a Public Life of More Than Half a CenturyWellington, Arthur Wellesley, Duke of
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Maxims and Opinions of Field-Marshal His Grace the Duke of Wellington, Selected From His Writings and Speeches During a Public Life of More Than Half a Century
Wellington, Arthur Wellesley, Duke of
Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 19th century; Wellington, Arthur Wellesley, Duke of, 1769-1852
Now let us suppose another security. Suppose it were arranged that his
Majesty should have the nomination of the Catholic bishops. If he
nominated them, he must also give them a jurisdiction--he must give them
a diocese. I should like to know in what part of Ireland or England the
king could fix upon a spot where he could, consistently with the oath he
has taken, nominate a Catholic bishop, or give him a diocese? The king
is sworn to maintain the rights and privileges of the bishops, and of
the clergy of this realm, and of the churches committed to their charge.
Now, consistently with that oath, how could the king appoint a bishop of
the Roman Catholic religion; and would not the Established church lose
more than it gained by the assumption of such a power on the part of his
Majesty? Then, my Lords, there is another security, which some noble
Lords think it desirable to have,--namely, the obtaining, by government,
of copies of all correspondence between the Catholic clergy and the
Court of Rome; and the supervising of that correspondence, in order to
prevent any danger resulting to the Established church. Upon that point
I must say I feel the greatest objection to involve the government of
this country in such matters. That correspondence, we are told, turns on
spiritual affairs. But I will suppose for the sake of argument, that it
turns on questions of excommunication. Is it, then, to be suffered, that
the Pope, and his Majesty, or his Majesty's secretary of state acting
for him, should make law for this country? for that would be the result
of communications between the Catholic clergy of this realm and the Pope
being submitted to his Majesty's inspection, or to the inspection of
his Majesty's secretary of state. Such a security amounts to a breach of
the constitution, and it is quite impossible that it could be made
available. It would do more injury to the constitution and the church,
than any thing which could be done by the Roman Catholics themselves,
when placed by this bill in the same situation as dissenters.
With respect to communication with the Court of Rome, that has already
been provided against and prevented by laws still in existence. Your
Lordships are aware that those laws, like many others regarding the
Roman Catholic religion, are not strictly enforced, but still, if they
should be abused,--if the conduct of those persons whose actions those
laws are intended to regulate should be such as to render necessary the
interference of government, the very measure which is now before your
lordships will enable government to interfere in such a manner as not
only to answer the object of its interference, but also to give
satisfaction to this house, and to the country.
_April 2, 1829._
* * * * *
_Anticipation of success for the Measure. The parallel case of the
Scotch Church instanced._
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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