In Norway (1901-'05) 65 Sweden (1900-'04) 142 Denmark (1901-'05) 227 III. LATINS In Spain (1893) 21 Portugal (1906) 23 Italy (1901-'05) 64 France (1900-'04) 227 IV. GERMANS In Austria (1902) 173 Prussia (1902-'06) 201 Saxony (1902-06) 324 Bavaria (1902-'06) 141 V. ENGLISH In Ireland (1906) 34 Scotland (1905) 65 England and Wales (1906) 100 Australasia (1903) 121 United States (1907) 126 VI. ASIATICS In Japan (1905) 209 It is difficult to assign definite or satisfactory reasons for the wide differences shown in the above table. Skelton has suggested that the low suicide rates of certain countries are due to emigration, "which provides an outlet for a great deal of misery and constitutes a hopeful alternative to suicide"; but this conjecture, although ingenious, is hardly supported by the facts. It might perhaps explain the low suicide rates of Italy and Ireland, but it does not account for the equally low suicide rate of the Russian peasants, who emigrate hardly at all, nor for the extremely high suicide rate of the Germans, who emigrate in large numbers. Neither does it throw any light upon the persistence of national suicide rates long after emigration. The generalization that seems to harmonize and explain the greatest number of facts is that suicide is most prevalent in countries where education goes hand in hand with highly developed manufacturing industry. In Spain, Portugal, Italy, and Russia the people have little education, manufacturing industries are feebly developed, and the suicide rate is low. In Saxony the percentage of illiteracy is very small, more than half of the population work in factories, and the suicide rate is the highest in Europe. I do not dare to assert that even this rude generalization is warranted by the facts; but, if it were sustained, it would seem to show that suicide is a by-product of the great, complicated machine that we call modern civilization.