Memoir, Correspondence, and Miscellanies, From the Papers of Thomas Jefferson, Volume 1Jefferson, Thomas
History
Memoir, Correspondence, and Miscellanies, From the Papers of Thomas Jefferson, Volume 1
Jefferson, Thomas
United States -- Politics and government -- 1775-1783; United States -- Politics and government -- 1783-1865
their society, in order to be thus offered a sacrifice to Parliamentary
tyranny, would merit that everlasting infamy now fixed on the authors
of the act! A clause, for a similar purpose, had been introduced into an
act passed in the twelfth year of his Majesty’s reign, entitled, “an
act for the better securing and preserving his Majesty’s dock-yards,
magazines, ships, ammunition, and stores;” against which, as meriting
the same censures, the several colonies have already protested.
‘That these are the acts of power, assumed by a body of men foreign to
our constitutions, and unacknowledged by our laws; against which we do,
on behalf of the inhabitants of British America, enter this our solemn
and determined protest. And we do earnestly entreat his Majesty, as
yet the only mediatory power between the several states of the British
empire, to recommend to his Parliament of Great Britain, the total
revocation of these acts, which, however nugatory they be, may yet prove
the cause of further discontents and jealousies among us.
‘That we next proceed to consider the conduct of his Majesty, as holding
the Executive powers of the laws of these states, and mark out his
deviations from the line of duty. By the constitution of Great Britain,
as well as of the several American States, his Majesty possesses the
power of refusing to pass into a law, any bill which has already passed
the other two branches of the legislature. His Majesty, however, and his
ancestors, conscious of the impropriety of opposing their single
opinion to the united wisdom of two Houses of Parliament, while their
proceedings were unbiased by interested principles, for several ages
past, have modestly declined the exercise of this power, in that part of
his empire called Great Britain. But, by change of circumstances, other
principles than those of justice simply, have obtained an influence on
their determinations. The addition of new states to the British empire,
has produced an addition of new, and sometimes, opposite interests.
It is now, therefore, the great office of his Majesty, to resume the
exercise of his negative power, and to prevent the passage of laws by
any one legislature of the empire, which might bear injuriously on the
rights and interests of another. Yet this will not excuse the wanton
exercise of this power, which we have seen his Majesty practise on the
laws of the American legislatures. For the most trifling reasons, and
sometimes for no conceivable reason at all, his Majesty has rejected
laws of the most salutary tendency. The abolition of domestic slavery is
the great object of desire in those colonies, where it was, unhappily,
introduced in their infant state. But previous to the enfranchisement of
the slaves we have, it is necessary to exclude all further importations
from Africa. Yet our repeated attempts to effect this, by prohibitions,
and by imposing duties which might amount to a prohibition, have
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