Memoir, Correspondence, and Miscellanies, From the Papers of Thomas Jefferson, Volume 2Jefferson, Thomas
History
Memoir, Correspondence, and Miscellanies, From the Papers of Thomas Jefferson, Volume 2
Jefferson, Thomas
United States -- Politics and government -- 1775-1783; United States -- Politics and government -- 1783-1865
The latter answered, he should act as events
should dictate; and is, in consequence of this species of menace from
Prussia, arming himself. He can bring into the field about seventy
thousand good cavalry. In the mean time, though nothing transpires
publicly of the confederation between France and the two empires,
mentioned in my letter of September the 19th, it is not the less sure
that it is on the carpet, and will take place. To the circumstances
before mentioned, may be added, as further indications of war, the
naming as Generalissimo of their marine on the Atlantic, Monsieur de
Suffrein, on the Mediterranean, Monsieur Albert de Rioms, the recalling
Monsieur de St. Priest, their ambassador, from Antwerp, before he had
reached the Hague, and the activity of their armies by sea. On the other
hand, the little movement by land would make one suppose they expected
to put the King of Prussia into other hands. They too, like the
Emperor, are arranging matters at home. The rigorous levy of the _deux
vingtiemes_ is enregistered, the stamp act and _impot territorial_ are
revoked, the parliament recalled, the nation soothed by these acts, and
inspired by the insults of the British court. The part of the Council
still leaning towards peace are become unpopular, and perhaps may feel
the effects of it. No change in the administration has taken place since
my last, unless we may consider as such, Monsieur Cabarrus’s refusal
to stand in the lines. Thinking he should be forced to follow, too
seriously, plans formed by others, he has declined serving.
Should this war take place, as is quite probable, and should it be as
general as it threatens to be, our neutrality must be attended with
great advantages. Whether of a nature to improve our morals or our
happiness, is another question. But is it sure that Great Britain, by
her searches, her seizures, and other measures for harassing us, will
permit us to preserve our neutrality? I know it may be argued, that the
land-war, which she would superadd to her sea-war, by provoking us to
join her enemies, should rationally hold her to her good behavior with
us. But since the accession of the present monarch, has it not been
passion, and not reason, which, nine times out of ten, has dictated her
measures? Has there been a better rule of prognosticating what he
would do, than to examine what he ought not to do? When I review
his dispositions and review his conduct, I have little hope of his
permitting our neutrality. He will find subjects of provocation in
various articles of our treaty with France, which will now come into
view, in all their consequences, and in consequences very advantageous
to the one, and injurious to the other country. I suggest these doubts,
on a supposition that our magazines are not prepared for war, and in the
opinion that provisions for that event should be thought of.
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