Memoir, Correspondence, and Miscellanies, From the Papers of Thomas Jefferson, Volume 2Jefferson, Thomas
History
Memoir, Correspondence, and Miscellanies, From the Papers of Thomas Jefferson, Volume 2
Jefferson, Thomas
United States -- Politics and government -- 1775-1783; United States -- Politics and government -- 1783-1865
It may not be uninstructive to give you the origin and nature of
his influence with the Queen. When the Duke de Choiseul proposed the
marriage of the Dauphin with this lady, he thought it proper to send a
person to Vienna, to perfect her in the language. He asked his friend,
the Archbishop of Toulouse, to recommend to him a proper person. He
recommended a certain Abbe. The Abbe, from his first arrival at Vienna,
either tutored by his patron, or prompted by gratitude, impressed on
the Queen’s mind the exalted talents and merit of the Archbishop, and
continually represented him as the only man fit to be placed at the helm
of affairs. On his return to Paris, being retained near the person of
the Queen, he kept him constantly in her view. The Archbishop was named
of the _Assembly des Notables_, had occasion enough there to prove his
talents, and Count de Vergennes, his great enemy, dying opportunely, the
Queen got him into place. He uses the Abbe even yet, for instilling all
his notions into her mind. That he has imposing talents and patriotic
dispositions, I think is certain. Good judges think him a theorist only,
little acquainted with the details of business, and spoiling all his
plans by a bungled execution. He may perhaps undergo a severe trial. His
best actions are exciting against him a host of enemies, particularly
the reduction of the pensions, and reforms in other branches of economy.
Some think the other ministers are willing he should stay in, till he
has effected this odious, yet necessary work, and that they will then
make him the scape-goat of the transaction. The declarations too, which
I send you in my public letter, if they should become public, will
probably raise an universal cry. It will all fall on him, because
Montmorin and Breteuil say, without reserve, that the sacrifice of the
Dutch has been against their advice. He will, perhaps, not permit these
declarations to appear in this country. They are absolutely unknown:
they were communicated to me by the Duke of Dorset, and I believe no
other copy has been given here. They will be published doubtless in
England, as a proof of their triumph, and may from thence make their way
into this country. If the Premier can stem a few months, he may remain
long in office, and will never make war if he can help it. If he should
be removed, the peace will probably be short. He is solely chargeable
with the loss of Holland. True, they could not have raised money by
taxes to supply the necessities of war; but could they do it were their
finances ever so well arranged? No nation makes war now-a-days, but by
the aid of loans: and it is probable, that in a war for the liberties
of Holland, all the treasures of that country would have been at their
service. They have now lost the cow which furnishes the milk of war.
She will be on the side of their enemies, whenever a rupture shall
take place: and no arrangement of their finances can countervail this
circumstance.
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