Memoir, Correspondence, and Miscellanies, From the Papers of Thomas Jefferson, Volume 4Jefferson, Thomas
History
Memoir, Correspondence, and Miscellanies, From the Papers of Thomas Jefferson, Volume 4
Jefferson, Thomas
United States -- Politics and government -- 1775-1783; United States -- Politics and government -- 1783-1865
Our two countries are to be at war, but not you and I. And why should
our two countries be at war, when by peace we can be so much more useful
to one another? Surely the world will acquit our government of having
sought it. Never before has there been an instance of a nation’s bearing
so much as we have borne. Two items alone in our catalogue of wrongs
will for ever acquit us of being the aggressors; the impressment of our
seamen, and the excluding us from the ocean. The first foundations of
the social compact would be broken up, were we definitively to refuse to
its members the protection of their persons and property, while in their
lawful pursuits. I think the war will not be short, because the object
of England, long obvious, is to claim the ocean as her domain, and to
exact transit duties from every vessel traversing it. This is the sum of
her orders of council, which were only a step in this bold experiment,
never meant to be retracted if it could be permanently maintained. And
this object must continue her in war with all the world. To this I
see no termination, until her exaggerated efforts, so much beyond her
natural strength and resources, shall have exhausted her to bankruptcy.
The approach of this crisis is, I think, visible in the departure of her
precious metals, and depreciation of her paper medium. We, who have gone
through that operation, know its symptoms, its course, and consequences.
In England they will be more serious than elsewhere, because half the
wealth of her people is now in that medium, the private revenue of her
money-holders, or rather of her paper-holders, being, I believe, greater
than that of her land-holders. Such a proportion of property, imaginary
and baseless as it is, cannot be reduced to vapor, but with great
explosion. She will rise out of its ruins, however, because her lands,
her houses, her arts, will remain, and the greater part of her men. And
these will give her again that place among nations which is proportioned
to her natural means, and which we all wish her to hold. We believe that
the just standing of all nations is the health and security of all. We
consider the overwhelming power of England on the ocean, and of France
on the land, as destructive of the prosperity and happiness of the
world, and wish both to be reduced only to the necessity of observing
moral duties. We believe no more in Bonaparte’s fighting merely for the
liberty of the seas, than in Great Britain’s fighting for the liberties
of mankind. The object of both is the same, to draw to themselves the
power, the wealth, and the resources of other nations. We resist the
enterprises of England first, because they first come vitally home to
us. And our feelings repel the logic of bearing the lash of George the
III. for fear of that of Bonaparte at some future day. When the wrongs
of France shall reach us with equal effect, we shall resist them
also. But one at a time is enough: and having offered a choice to the
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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