Memoir, Correspondence, and Miscellanies, From the Papers of Thomas Jefferson, Volume 4Jefferson, Thomas
History
Memoir, Correspondence, and Miscellanies, From the Papers of Thomas Jefferson, Volume 4
Jefferson, Thomas
United States -- Politics and government -- 1775-1783; United States -- Politics and government -- 1783-1865
And I too, my dear Sir, like the wood-cutter of Ida, should doubt where
to begin, were I to enter the forest of opinions, discussions,
and contentions which have occurred in our day. I should say with
Theocritus,
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But I shall not do it. The _summum bonum_ with me is now truly
epicurean, ease of body and tranquillity of mind; and to these I wish
to consign my remaining days. Men have differed in opinion, and been
divided into parties by these opinions, from the first origin of
societies; and in all governments, where they have been permitted freely
to think and to speak. The same political parties which now agitate the
United States, have existed through all time. Whether the power of the
people, or that of the
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should prevail, were questions which kept the States of Greece and Rome
in eternal convulsions; as they now schismatize every people whose minds
and mouths are not shut up by the gag of a despot. And in fact, the
terms of whig and tory belong to natural, as well as to civil
history. They denote the temper and constitution of mind of different
individuals. To come to our own country, and to the times when you and
I became first acquainted: we well remember the violent parties which
agitated the old Congress, and their bitter contests. There you and
I were together, and the Jays, and the Dickinsons, and other
anti-independents were arrayed against us. They cherished the monarchy
of England, and we the rights of our countrymen. When our present
government was in the mew, passing from Confederation to Union, how
bitter was the schism between the Feds and Antis. Here you and I were
together again. For although, for a moment, separated by the Atlantic
from the scene of action, I favored the opinion that nine States should
confirm the constitution, in order to secure it, and the others hold
off, until certain amendments, deemed favorable to freedom, should
be made. I rallied in the first instant to the wiser proposition of
Massachusetts, that all should confirm, and then all instruct their
delegates to urge those amendments. The amendments were made, and
all were reconciled to the government. But as soon as it was put into
motion, the line of division was again drawn. We broke into two parties,
each wishing to give the government a different direction; the one
to strengthen the most popular branch, the other the more permanent
branches, and to extend their permanence. Here you and I separated for
the first time: and as we had been longer than most others on the public
theatre, and our names therefore were more familiar to our countrymen,
the party which considered you as thinking with them, placed your
name at their head; the other, for the same reason, selected mine. But
neither decency nor inclination permitted us to become the advocates
of ourselves, or to take part personally in the violent contests which
followed. We suffered ourselves, as you so well expressed it, to be
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