Memoir, Correspondence, and Miscellanies, From the Papers of Thomas Jefferson, Volume 4Jefferson, Thomas
History
Memoir, Correspondence, and Miscellanies, From the Papers of Thomas Jefferson, Volume 4
Jefferson, Thomas
United States -- Politics and government -- 1775-1783; United States -- Politics and government -- 1783-1865
Our information from London continues to give us hopes of an
accommodation there on both the points of ‘accustomed commerce and
impressment.’ In this there must probably be some mutual concession,
because we cannot expect to obtain every thing and yield nothing. But
I hope it will be such an one as may be accepted. The arrival of the
Hornet in France is so recently known, that it will yet be some time
before we learn our prospects there. Notwithstanding the efforts made
here, and made professedly to assassinate that negotiation in embryo, if
the good sense of Bonaparte should prevail over his temper, the present
state of things in Europe may induce him to require of Spain, that she
should do us justice at least. That he should require her to sell us
East Florida, we have no right to insist: yet there are not wanting
considerations which may induce him to wish a permanent foundation for
peace laid between us. In this treaty, whatever it shall be, our old
enemies the federalists, and their new friends, will find enough to carp
at. This is a thing of course, and I should suspect error where they
found no fault. The buzzard feeds on carrion only. Their rallying point
is ‘war with France and Spain, and alliance with Great Britain’:
and every thing is wrong with them which checks their new ardor to be
fighting for the liberties of mankind; on the sea always excepted. There
one nation is to monopolize all the liberties of the others.
I read, with extreme regret, the expressions of an inclination on your
part to retire from Congress. I will not say that this time, more than
all others, calls for the service of every man; but I will say,
there never was a time when the services of those who possess talents,
integrity, firmness, and sound judgment, were more wanted in Congress.
Some one of that description is particularly wanted to take the lead in
the House of Representatives, to consider the business of the nation as
his own business, to take it up as if he were singly charged with it,
and carry it through. I do not mean that any gentleman, relinquishing
his own judgment, should implicitly support all the measures of the
administration; but that, where he does not disapprove of them, he
should not suffer them to go off in sleep, but bring them to the
attention of the House, and give them a fair chance. Where he
disapproves, he will of course leave them to be brought forward by those
who concur in the sentiment. Shall I explain my idea by an example? The
classification of the militia was communicated to General Varnum and
yourself merely as a proposition, which, if you approved, it was trusted
you would support. I knew, indeed, that General Varnum was opposed to
any thing which might break up the present organization of the militia:
but when so modified as to avoid this, I thought he might, perhaps,
be reconciled to it. As soon as I found it did not coincide with your
sentiments, I could not wish you to support it; but using the same
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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