I am very much obliged to you, my dear B----, for your letter. I scarcely know what to wish as the final result of the arrangement. If I had entirely my own way, I should desire that Lord Londonderry should unite the offices of First Lord of the Treasury and Chancellor of the Exchequer, and Lord Liverpool take some other office; but this is not to be hoped for, and the question resolves itself into that whether the increased strength which the Government would derive from placing its chief in the House of Commons, would counterbalance the general loss of character and influence which would result from the retirement of Lord Liverpool. On the whole, I am disposed to think it would; added to which is the advantage which would result from the whole strength, if not the whole of the Cabinet, being unanimous on the Catholic question. You are perfectly right, in my opinion, in determining not to go to Ireland unless you can carry concession to the Catholics with you. It is true that the King's language to them is perfectly undecisive, and cannot be construed into anything like a pledge or assurance of support, but still the complexion of his general conduct has been such as to convey, not to them only, an impression of his favourable disposition, and unless he makes some marked demonstration the other way, I am convinced you will perceive the effect in the next divisions in both Houses. Many hold the language of disapprobation of concession, but at the same time express the opinion that it must be carried, and if so, the sooner the better. These will never support the measure, but will be well disposed to stay away. Lady C---- seems to hazard a good deal in letting her husband and two sons perform the parts of deputy guardian angels while she remains behind, especially if Lord Londonderry be in favour again, since he may contrive to bring some rival charmer in view. I quite agree with you that there is no difference of principle which opposes our union with Lord Londonderry. The whole resolves itself into a question of expediency. Is there a prospect of his being able to form with us an administration strong enough to carry on the public business advantageously and creditably? And this we have not the means of answering till we know more fully what the plan and what the further intentions are. If there appeared any reasonable chance of our carrying the Catholic question, I should myself feel that a paramount motive to accede to the Government, even if I were certain that the King's aversion to the individual Ministers joined to the general feebleness of the administration, were sure to break it up the next day after that object had been effected.