Memoirs of the Life and Correspondence of Henry Reeve, C.B., D.C.L.: In Two Volumes. Volume II.Reeve, Henry
History
Memoirs of the Life and Correspondence of Henry Reeve, C.B., D.C.L.: In Two Volumes. Volume II.
Reeve, Henry
Journalists -- Great Britain -- 19th century -- Biography; Reeve, Henry, 1813-1895; Reeve, Henry, 1813-1895 -- Correspondence
What Lord Malmesbury had said amounted to this--that in 1844, when the
Russian Emperor Nicholas was in London, 'he, Sir Robert Peel (then prime
minister) and Lord Aberdeen (then foreign secretary) drew up and _signed_
a memorandum' to the effect that England 'would support Russia in her
legitimate protectorship of the Greek religion and the Holy Shrines,
without consulting France. Lord Malmesbury added that the fact of Lord
Aberdeen, one of the signers of this paper, being prime minister in 1853,
was taken by Nicholas as a ground for believing that England would not
join France to restrain the pretensions of Russia, and therefore, by
implication, that Lord Aberdeen's being prime minister was a--if not
the--principal cause of the war. [Footnote: _Lord Malmesbury's Memoirs of
an Ex-Minister_ (1st edit.), i. 402-3.]
The memorandum itself, as printed in the Blue Book, differs essentially,
both in matter and form, from Lord Malmesbury's description of it. It
is entitled 'Memorandum by Count Nesselrode delivered to Her Majesty's
Government and founded on communications received from the Emperor of
Russia subsequently to His Imperial Majesty's visit to England in June
1844.' [Footnote: _Parliamentary Papers_, 1854, lxxi. 863.] It is unsigned,
and from the nature of it must be so; it is in no sense an agreement, but
a proposal that England should agree to act in concert with Russia and
Austria; and nothing whatever is said about the Greek religion, the
Holy Places, or the Russian protectorate. It is of course possible that
conversations between Nicholas and Lord Aberdeen, which preceded the
drawing up of this memorandum, may have encouraged the one and hampered
the other; but of this there is no evidence, and Lord Malmesbury could
not possibly know anything about it, though he did know something--very
inaccurately it appears--about the memorandum. The discrepancies had,
in fact, led Reeve to suppose that Malmesbury's statement must refer
to another memorandum; and thus Lord Stanmore's letter has a singular
historical interest, bearing, as it does, on a point that has been much
discussed.
_From Sir Arthur Gordon_
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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