Memoirs of the life of David Rittenhouse, LLD. F.R.S., late president of the American Philosophical Society, &c. : $b interspersed with various notices of many distinguished men : with an appendix, containing sundry philosophical and other papers, most of which have not hitherto been publishedBarton, William
History
Memoirs of the life of David Rittenhouse, LLD. F.R.S., late president of the American Philosophical Society, &c. : $b interspersed with various notices of many distinguished men : with an appendix, containing sundry philosophical and other papers, most of which have not hitherto been published
The benignity of his temper must, nevertheless, have induced him to be
truly rejoiced at the return of peace. When that happy event took place,
he had too much goodness of heart to remember past injuries, too much
understanding to be influenced by unworthy and mischievous prejudices;
he had not a particle of malignity in his nature. At the period of the
Declaration of American Independence by Congress, he believed, with a
great majority of his countrymen, that necessity justified the
separation: and from that epocha, he was heartily disposed to hold the
mother-country, as his compatriots then declared they did the rest of
mankind,—“enemies in war, in peace friends.”
When the French revolution commenced, the benevolence of his feelings
led him to believe, as almost every American then did, that it would
meliorate the condition of a great nation, whose inhabitants constituted
a large portion of the population of the European world;—a nation,
which, by the rigourous policy of its government, under a long
succession of ambitious and arbitrary monarchs, anterior to the one then
on the tottering throne of that ill-fated country, had become extremely
corrupt among the higher orders of the people; and in which, the
inferior classes were subjected to great oppression. The American people
having, on their separation from the mother-country, instituted for
themselves, as an independent nation, a constitution wholly republican;
they were disposed to attribute the vices of the French government,
before the revolution, to the circumstance of its being a monarchy, and
the sufferings of the people of France, as necessarily resulting from
the monarchial system of rule over them. When, therefore, a republican
form of government was erected in France on the ruins of the throne; the
excesses, and even the atrocities of the people, which attended the
demolition of the ancient government of that country, and the
establishment of political institutions entirely new to its inhabitants,
found palliatives in the dispositions of most good men among us: they
were ascribed to the strong conflicting passions naturally produced
between the great body of the people, on the one part, and their rulers
on the other; excited by the long sufferings of the former, and an
unwillingness to part with power, in the latter. Great enormities were
considered as the inevitable consequences of these opposite interests,
when brought into action amidst a population of many millions of men,
whose national characteristic is that of levity of temper and vehement
passions; and a conflict, wherein all the malign dispositions of the
most depraved characters, actuated by motives the most flagitious,
intermingled themselves with the designs of those who meant well. Such
men, freed from all the restraints of government and law, and utterly
disregarding all the obligations of either religious or moral duties,
had then an opportunity of giving a full vent to their views, whether of
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