In 1860 the United States were on the brink of a volcano. The secession
of the Southern States was imminent, and on the 10th of December Lord
Lyons wrote to the Duke of Newcastle: “It is difficult to believe that I
am in the same country which appeared so prosperous, so contented, and
one may say so calm when we travelled through it.... Our friends are
apparently going ahead on the road to ruin with their characteristic
speed and energy. The President [Buchanan] is harassed beyond measure.”
Lincoln was inaugurated as President in March, 1861, and in the following
April the dogs of war were let loose with a vengeance, “and the capture
of Fort Sumter [by the Confederates] signalized the fact that a
population of little over five millions of white men had had the audacity
to challenge over twenty-two millions of their fellow-countrymen.” The
blockade of the southern ports became all important for England. Lord
Lyons, writing to Lord John Russell, said: “If the United States are
to be permitted to seize any ship of ours wherever they can find her
under their jurisdiction on the plea that by going to a southern port
she has violated the U. S. Customs Laws, our commerce will be exposed to
vexations beyond bearing, and all kinds of new and doubtful questions
will be raised. In fact, this, it seems to me, would be a paper blockade
of the worst kind. It would certainly justify Great Britain and France in
recognizing the Southern Confederacy, and sending their fleets to force
the U. S. to treat British and French vessels as neutrals in conformity
with the law of nations.” Mr. Seward was apparently convinced of the
reality of this danger, but when he saw how violent the President and
his colleagues were, veered round and became “the fiercest of the lot.”
Lord Lyons went on to say, “I am in constant apprehension of some foolish
and violent proceeding of the Government with regard to Foreign Powers.
Neither the President nor any man in the Cabinet has a knowledge of
foreign affairs; they have consequently all the overwhelming confidence
in their own strength which popular oratory has made common in this
country.”
The position of the British Minister at Washington was one of supreme
difficulty. The Government had wisely made common cause with France, but
no clear instructions as to procedure had been issued to Lord Lyons,—Lord
John Russell contenting himself with saying that he relied upon “the
wisdom, patience and prudence of the British Minister to steer safely
through the danger of the crisis.” The Law Officers of the Crown gave
it as their opinion “that we must consider the civil war in America as
regular war—_justum bellum_—and must apply to it all the rules respecting
blockade and letters of marque, which belong to neutrals during a war.”
They went on to express a pious wish that both parties should agree to
the Declaration of Paris regarding the flag covering the goods and the
prohibition of privateers.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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