When our sportsman had gone, Garibaldi took me by the arm and hobbled up
and down with me on the path which made a sort of quarterdeck in front of
the house. He talked a great deal about England, for which he entertained
a sincere admiration and affection. He asked many questions about the
various people whom he had known there—questions which he felt that he
could put to me more discreetly than to the Duke, for many of his friends
had been among the Duke’s nearest relations—his mother, his brothers and
sisters. Suddenly he turned round and said: “Is it true—is it possible
that it can be true—that there are actually in England people who are
desirous of abolishing the existing order of things and setting up a
republic in the place of your monarchy?” I said that there certainly were
a few people who seemed to think that to do away with the monarchy and
the aristocracy and to set up a republic was the panacea for all human
ills. “They must be fools!” he said, and then went on very earnestly:
“Why, in England you have the finest form of government in the world—a
republic of which the President rules by the will of the people, and
being hereditary depends upon no political cry of the moment. With you
by virtue of this hereditary principle there is not the continual danger
of someone saying ‘Ôte-toi de là que je m’y mette’—and so no perpetual
risk of upheavals. I only wish that I could see Italy blessed with such a
republic; then I should be quite content.”
I thought this speech, coming from the man who was pointed at as the
incarnation of rebellion and anarchy, not a little remarkable. I can
hear him uttering it now, and can see the eager, beautiful eyes looking
through and through me as he spoke. Whatever Garibaldi said struck home,
he was so obviously and entirely sincere; his voice was the voice of
truth. We were talking in this way for a couple of hours or more, and
after the lapse of more than forty years, some of his very words are yet
ringing in my ears. England and Italy were the subjects upon which he
so fondly dwelt. He spoke much of the unification of Italy, of Italia
irredenta, and very modestly, very reticently, of the part which he had
played. He said: “There are many people who will tell you that Italy as
she now is was the work of Victor Emmanuel and Cavour, others give the
credit to Louis Napoléon, some even ascribe it to me. The truth is that
no one man, no two men, can claim the merit. We all of us had a hand in
it, we did our best and we succeeded.”
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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