Men of Our Times; Or, Leading Patriots of the Day: Being narratives of the lives and deeds of statesmen, generals, and orators. Including biographical sketches and anecdotes of Lincoln, Grant, Garrison, Sumner, Chase, Wilson, Greeley, Farragut, Andrew, Colfax, Stanton, Douglass, Buckingham, Sherman, Sheridan, Howard, Phillips and Beecher.Stowe, Harriet Beecher
History
Men of Our Times; Or, Leading Patriots of the Day: Being narratives of the lives and deeds of statesmen, generals, and orators. Including biographical sketches and anecdotes of Lincoln, Grant, Garrison, Sumner, Chase, Wilson, Greeley, Farragut, Andrew, Colfax, Stanton, Douglass, Buckingham, Sherman, Sheridan, Howard, Phillips and Beecher.
Stowe, Harriet Beecher
United States -- Biography; United States -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865 -- Biography
"At the risk of repetition, but for the sake of clearness, review now
this argument, and gather it together. Considering that slavery is of
such an offensive character that it can find sanction only in positive
law and that it has no such 'positive' sanction in the constitution;
that the constitution, according to its Preamble, was ordained to
'establish justice,' and 'secure the blessings of liberty;' that in
the convention which framed it, and also elsewhere at the time, it was
declared not to 'sanction slavery;' that according to the Declaration
of Independence, and the address of the Continental Congress, the
nation was dedicated to 'liberty' and the 'rights of human nature;'
that according to the principles of common law, the constitution must
be interpreted openly, actively, and perpetually for Freedom; that
according to the decision of the Supreme Court, it acts upon slaves,
_not as property_, but as _persons_; that, at the first organization
of the national government, under Washington, slavery had no national
favor, existed nowhere on the national territory, beneath the national
flag, but was openly condemned by the nation, the church, the colleges
and literature of the time; and finally, that according to an amendment
of the constitution, the national government can only exercise powers
delegated to it, among which there is none to support slavery;
considering these things, sir, it is impossible to avoid the single
conclusion that slavery is in no respect a national institution, and
that the constitution nowhere upholds property in man.
"But there is one other special provision of the constitution, which I
have reserved to this stage, not so much from its superior importance,
but because it may fitly stand by itself. This alone, if practically
applied, would carry freedom to all within its influence. It is an
amendment proposed by the first Congress, as follows: 'No _person_
shall be deprived of life, _liberty_, or property, _without due process
of law_.' Under this ægis the liberty of every person within the
national jurisdiction is unequivocally placed. I say every person. Of
this there can be no question. The word 'person,' in the constitution,
embraces every human being within its sphere, whether Caucasian,
Indian, or African, from the President to the slave."
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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