Men of Our Times; Or, Leading Patriots of the Day: Being narratives of the lives and deeds of statesmen, generals, and orators. Including biographical sketches and anecdotes of Lincoln, Grant, Garrison, Sumner, Chase, Wilson, Greeley, Farragut, Andrew, Colfax, Stanton, Douglass, Buckingham, Sherman, Sheridan, Howard, Phillips and Beecher.Stowe, Harriet Beecher
History
Men of Our Times; Or, Leading Patriots of the Day: Being narratives of the lives and deeds of statesmen, generals, and orators. Including biographical sketches and anecdotes of Lincoln, Grant, Garrison, Sumner, Chase, Wilson, Greeley, Farragut, Andrew, Colfax, Stanton, Douglass, Buckingham, Sherman, Sheridan, Howard, Phillips and Beecher.
Stowe, Harriet Beecher
United States -- Biography; United States -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865 -- Biography
In the present administration, as Chairman of the Committee on Foreign
Relations, Sumner has with his usual learning and power defended
American honor against the causeless defamations and sneers of those
who should have known better. None of our public men, perhaps, is more
favorably known in the Old World. His talents and accomplishments, as
well as his heroic stand for principle, have given him the familiar
_entrée_ to all that is best worth knowing in England; and it is for
that reason more admirable that he should, with such wealth of learning
and elegance of diction, have remonstrated with that great nation on
her injustice to us. His pamphlet on "Our Foreign Relations" carries
a weight of metal in it that is overpowering; it is as thoroughly
exhaustive of the subject as any of his greatest speeches,--grave,
grand, and severely true. It is the strong blood of England herself
speaking back to the parent land as sorrowfully as Hamlet to his mother.
In the recent debates on Reconstruction, Sumner has remained true to
that "chastity of honor" in relation to the United States Constitution,
which has been characteristic of him, in opposing that short sighted
republican policy which proposed to secure the political privileges of
the blacks by introducing the constitutional amendment, providing that
any state disfranchising negroes should be deprived of a corresponding
portion of its representation in Congress.
Sumner indignantly repelled the suggestion of introducing any such
amendments into the constitution, as working dishonor to that
instrument by admitting into it, in any form, or under whatsoever
pretext, the doctrine of the political inequality of races of men. In
this we recognize a faultless consistency of principle.
Sumner was cheered in the choice which he made in the darkest hour,
by that elastic hope in the success of the right, which is the best
inheritance of a strong, and healthy physical and moral organization.
During the time of the Fugitive Slave Law battle, while the conflict
of his election was yet uncertain, he was speaking incidentally to
a friend of the tremendous influences which the then regnant genius
of Daniel Webster could bring to crush any young man who opposed
him. He spoke with feeling of what had to be sacrificed by a Boston
young man who set himself to oppose such influences. The friend, in
reply, expressed some admiration of his courage and self-sacrificing.
He stopped, as he was walking up and down the room, and said, with
simplicity, "Courage! No, it doesn't require so very much courage,
because I know that in a few years we shall have all this thing down
under our feet. We shall set our heel upon it," and he emphasized the
sentence by bringing his heel heavily down upon the carpet.
"Do you really think so?"
"I know so; of course we shall."
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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