Men of Our Times; Or, Leading Patriots of the Day: Being narratives of the lives and deeds of statesmen, generals, and orators. Including biographical sketches and anecdotes of Lincoln, Grant, Garrison, Sumner, Chase, Wilson, Greeley, Farragut, Andrew, Colfax, Stanton, Douglass, Buckingham, Sherman, Sheridan, Howard, Phillips and Beecher.Stowe, Harriet Beecher
History
Men of Our Times; Or, Leading Patriots of the Day: Being narratives of the lives and deeds of statesmen, generals, and orators. Including biographical sketches and anecdotes of Lincoln, Grant, Garrison, Sumner, Chase, Wilson, Greeley, Farragut, Andrew, Colfax, Stanton, Douglass, Buckingham, Sherman, Sheridan, Howard, Phillips and Beecher.
Stowe, Harriet Beecher
United States -- Biography; United States -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865 -- Biography
Now at this time, "good society," so called, as constituted in
Cincinnati, had all that easy, comfortable indifference to the
fortunes and sufferings of people not so well off as itself, which
is characteristic of good society all the world over. It is so much
easier to refine upon one's own ideal of life, to carpet one's floors,
and list one's doors and windows and keep out the cold, stormy wind
of debate and discussion, than it is to go out into the highways and
hedges and keep company with the never-ending sins and miseries and
misfortunes and mistakes of poor, heavy-laden humanity, that good
society always has sat as a dead weight on any rising attempt at reform.
Then again, Cincinnati was herself to a large extent a slaveholding
city. Her property was in slaveholding states. Negroes were negotiable
currency; they were collateral security on half the contracts that were
at the time being made between the thriving men of Cincinnati and the
planters of the adjoining slave states. If the bold doctrine of the
abolitionists was true--if slavery was _stealing_, then were the church
members in the fairest Cincinnati churches _thieves_--for in one way or
another, they were to a large extent often the holders of slaves.
The whole secret instinct of Cincinnati, therefore, was to wish that
slavery might in some way be defended, because Cincinnati stood so
connected with it in the way of trade, that conscientious scruples on
this point were infinitely and intolerably disagreeable. The whirlwind
zeal of the abolitionists, the utter, reckless abandon and carelessness
of forms and fashions with which they threw themselves into the fight,
therefore furnished to good society a cloak large and long, for all
their own sins of neglect. They did not defend slavery, of course,
these good people--in fact, they regarded it as an evil. They were
properly and decorously religious--good society always is, and so
willing in presbytery and synod to have judiciously worded resolutions
from time to time introduced, regretting slavery as an evil. The
meetings of ecclesiastical bodies afforded at this time examples of
most dexterous theological hair-splitting on this subject. Invariably
in every one of them, were the abolitionists forward and fiery, calling
slavery by that ugly old Saxon word, "a sin." Then there were the
larger class of brethren, longing for peace, and hating iniquity, who
had sympathy for the inevitable difficulties which beset well-meaning
Christian slaveholders under slave laws. Now if these consented to
call slavery a sin, they imposed on themselves the necessity of either
enforcing immediate repentance and change of life on the sinner,
or excluding him from the communion. So they obstinately intrenched
themselves in the declaration that slavery is--an EVIL.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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