Soviet Union -- Biography; Soviet Union -- History -- Revolution, 1917-1921
Diplomacy is an inseparable part of Mr. Tchicherin’s existence. He
eats, drinks and sleeps with the affairs of state, looks at life
as a chess game and is continually checkmating, even in ordinary
conversation. Lenin approves of him and feels for him a warm
personal affection in spite of the fact that the Premier so dislikes
eccentricities. He knows that Tchicherin can be trusted, that he has an
invaluable knowledge of international affairs and more important than
all that, that he will never make any real decision without consulting
Lenin.
Mr. Bullitt told me that during his negotiations he found Tchicherin so
brilliant that it was difficult to get anywhere. The Foreign Minister
was always quite justified from the Soviet angle but the Soviets were
being forced to make hard concessions. Invariably when they came to a
deadlock, he telephoned Lenin and Lenin gave in.
During our first talk, when we discussed the campaign of lies about
Russia which has so long flooded English, French and American papers,
I said that I thought it was partly due to the fact that no reporters
were permitted at that time to go in and investigate actual conditions.
It was characteristic of Tchicherin to interrupt very suddenly and ask,
“Will you tell me why American reporters come over here and claim they
are impartial observers, even profess friendliness towards us, and then
go home and write such astounding lies?”
I thought it wasn’t fair to generalize. The most unfair stories have
always been manufactured at Riga and Reval or at Paris by interested
political groups or by disappointed reporters who never got inside. As
for the reporters who actually witnessed the revolution, certainly the
majority remained fair and sympathetic, in spite of the fact that it
grew particularly difficult, especially in America, even to maintain
one’s equilibrium about Russia after Brest-Litovsk. To my mind came
back unhappy recollections of Overman and Lusk investigations, raids,
deportations and general war-hysteria. Perhaps some such thought came
also to Tchicherin because he said, “Yes, yes, I suppose in the main,
you are right, but how do you account for a man like----?”
Tchicherin is full of old-fashioned honor. The idea that foreign papers
sanctioned false reports in order to justify intervention or the
blockade seemed so outrageous to him that he could never realize that
this sort of propaganda has become as much a part of modern warfare as
liquid fire or submarines.
Very late one night I saw Tchicherin running up the stairs to his
office in a high state of excitement because a New York evening
newspaper carried on its front page a fake interview with Lenin in
which he discussed everything from the Irish situation to the Russian
Ballet. Tchicherin saw no humor in this. His comment was, “How can a
reputable American paper allow such a thing? After all, Comrade Lenin
is the Premier of a great country.”
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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