FELLOW CITIZENS: I accepted your invitation to speak to you on the great
question of these days, with very little consideration of what I might
have to offer: for there seems to be no option. The last year has forced
us all into politics, and made it a paramount duty to seek what it is
often a duty to shun. We do not breathe well. There is infamy in the air.
I have a new experience. I wake in the morning with a painful sensation,
which I carry about all day, and which, when traced home, is the odious
remembrance of that ignominy which has fallen on Massachusetts, which
robs the landscape of beauty, and takes the sunshine out of every hour.
I have lived all my life in this state, and never had any experience
of personal inconvenience from the laws, until now. They never came
near me to any discomfort before. I find the like sensibility in my
neighbors; and in that class who take no interest in the ordinary
questions of party politics. There are men who are as sure indexes of
the equity of legislation and of the same state of public feeling, as
the barometer is of the weight of the air, and it is a bad sign when
these are discontented, for though they snuff oppression and dishonor
at a distance, it is because they are more impressionable: the whole
population will in a short time be as painfully affected.
Every hour brings us from distant quarters of the Union the expression of
mortification at the late events in Massachusetts, and at the behavior
of Boston. The tameness was indeed shocking. Boston, of whose fame for
spirit and character we have all been so proud; Boston, whose citizens,
intelligent people in England told me they could always distinguish by
their culture among Americans; the Boston of the American Revolution,
which figures so proudly in John Adams’s Diary, which the whole country
has been reading; Boston, spoiled by prosperity, must bow its ancient
honor in the dust, and make us irretrievably ashamed. In Boston, we have
said with such lofty confidence, no fugitive slave can be arrested, and
now, we must transfer our vaunt to the country, and say, with a little
less confidence, no fugitive man can be arrested here; at least we can
brag thus until to-morrow, when the farmers also may be corrupted.
The tameness is indeed complete. The only haste in Boston, after the
rescue of Shadrach,[128] last February, was, who should first put his
name on the list of volunteers in aid of the marshal. I met the smoothest
of Episcopal Clergymen the other day, and allusion being made to Mr.
Webster’s treachery, he blandly replied, “Why, do you know I think
_that_ the great action of his life.” It looked as if in the city and
the suburbs all were involved in one hot haste of terror,—presidents
of colleges, and professors, saints, and brokers, insurers, lawyers,
importers, manufacturers: not an unpleasing sentiment, not a liberal
recollection, not so much as a snatch of an old song for freedom, dares
intrude on their passive obedience.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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