Now, whether either or neither of these positions be tenable, we submit that it is impossible to sustain them both, and we believe that neither is true. It is said that the claim of political action argues capacity for civil duty, ability to serve the state in the jury-box, in the police, in the camp, in the battle-fields, in port-surveys and defences, and in a routine of official duties that suffer no intermission. But the state does not compel _men_ to fulfil personally its demands on civil organization; it hires men for these purposes, and women contribute as well as men to the exchequer for their payment. It is said, however, that women have not cared in the past, and do not now care for political equality. Have they ever been consulted? A large number believe that there is historical evidence that women have voted at parliamentary elections, both in counties and boroughs, and are striving to return to the ancient constitutional practice of Great Britain. They have been too wise to keep perpetually dwelling on an inquiry which, until lately, seemed utterly hopeless of redress; and too proud and sensitive to betray the existence of a feeling which only exposed them to the sneers and ridicule of the unthinking. But as soon as the House of Commons showed signs of admitting them within the pale of the constitution, the women of Great Britain began to prove that they did care for their political rights. Recently, a petition from Edinburgh in favour of women’s suffrage was presented by Mr. McLaren, signed by upwards of 800 female householders. A supplementary petition, followed soon after to the same effect, signed by eight university professors, six doctors of law, eighteen clergymen, eight barristers, ten physicians, ten officers in the army and navy, and upwards of 2000 other inhabitants. Colonel Sykes also presented 185 petitions from independent women in Aberdeen. A petition adopted by a public meeting held in Aberdeen, and signed by Professor Bain as chairman, was also transmitted to the Prime Minister, the Lord Advocate, and the members for the city and county of Aberdeen; praying the Honourable the Commons of the United Kingdom, to pass the bill entitled, “A Bill to Remove the Electoral Disabilities of Women.” In 1867, 3000 women of Manchester and the surrounding districts signed a petition asking for the franchise. On the evening of the 14th of April, 1868, a meeting in connection with the National Society for Women’s Suffrage, was held in the same city, in the assembly room of the Free-trade Hall, the Mayor of Salford presiding. On the platform were a number of ladies, whose appearance was the signal for loud and repeated applause. Several of the most prominent leaders of the Reform party were similarly welcomed. Letters containing expressions of regret at the inability of the writers to attend the meeting, and of sympathy with its objects, were received from many eminent men and women. A number of women possessing the