Monopolies -- United States; Railroads and state -- United States
thousand men, whose influence could be relied upon when the interests of
the people and those persons in office conflicted.
It may be said that the government would not operate the roads, but
would lease them. Would this afford relief? It would require two parties
to make the contract. The contractor would agree to pay a certain
stipulated amount for the use of the road. He would then fix his own
rate of charges for transportation, and being only a lessee, would be
virtually irresponsible. Government could not fix the price to be paid
for the use of the road, and also the tariff of charges. But the lessee
would demand the right to fix his own tariff in order that he might have
sufficient to make repairs, pay for the use of the road, and make his
profit. This system would be subject to the abuses of which the shippers
now complain. Irresponsible persons would often have control of these
roads, or a part of them, and a wide field would be open for fraud and
irregular practices. The wants of the people demand some other and
cheaper mode of transportation; either a cheaper system of building and
operating railroads, so that the tariffs can be reduced, or some new
method. The present roads may be superseded and another kind adopted. In
that case, the present railroad system would become of little value, and
would prove a loss to the government. Last of all, the general
government cannot go into the railroad business without contravening the
provisions of the constitution. In addition to the above reasons why the
government should not become the owner of the railroads, is this one,
which outweighs all others: It would place them entirely beyond the
control of the people. If the control of corporations is left to the
states, they are in the hands of the people; each county, town, and
neighborhood, can bring its influence to bear upon the questions at
issue. In the election of congressmen and other United States officers,
local issues are lost sight of. National questions engage the public
mind, while in the election of members of the state legislatures and
other state officers, local questions enter largely in the canvass.
Numerically, the monopolists are but a small fraction of the people;
their great strength lies in the control they have obtained over the
business and finances of the country. The people, united against the
monopolists, can elect whom they choose to any state office, and can
secure a majority in their favor. The remedy is in their own hands, and
by united action they cannot fail of success. If a reform is ever
effected, if the people ever regain their lost rights, they must
commence at the _ballot box_. The producers throughout the west and
south are largely in the majority; they can elect their own men. If they
fail to do so, if they do not themselves apply the remedy, they ought
not to complain of others because they do not apply it for them. There
need be no difficulty or delay in effecting reforms dependent upon
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