Mussolini as revealed in his political speeches (November 1914-August 1923)Mussolini, Benito
History
Mussolini as revealed in his political speeches (November 1914-August 1923)
Mussolini, Benito
Fascism -- Italy; Italy -- Politics and government -- 1914-1945; Mussolini, Benito, 1883-1945; Partito nazionale fascista (Italy)
It might be asked of us: “Why does the Militia remain?” I shall tell it
to you at once: for a very simple reason, to defend Fascismo at home and
also abroad. The word “abroad” might alarm you. Well, I tell you that
abroad there is a difficult atmosphere for Italian Fascismo. Difficult
for the parties of the Right, which, being formed of national elements,
cannot feel enthusiasm for a movement that exalts our national
qualities; difficult for the parties of the Left, because those elements
are our adversaries from the social point of view, knowing that the
Fascista movement is clearly anti-Socialist. It is well, therefore, that
it should be known that there is in Italy a mighty army of volunteers to
defend that special form of political organisation called Fascismo.
The Militia, moreover, has the object of enabling the army to do its own
work. The army must fight, must get ready for war. It must not do police
work, especially of a political nature, except under absolutely
exceptional circumstances, of which now I do not wish to think, even
hypothetically. As an example I can tell you that last night, upon my
personal instructions, a whole section of Leghorn was blockaded. Well,
one hundred carabineers and three hundred black shirts sufficed, whilst
the army, the official troops, were sleeping peacefully in their
barracks, as was their duty and their right. Moreover, believe me, so
long as in Italy they know that, besides some tens of thousands of
faithful carabineers, there is this enormous force, attempts at revolt
or at sedition will never be dared.
_Modifications to the Statute Law._ Finally, and this is a manœuvre of
the last few days, have burst forth in Italy the bold defenders of the
Statute, of Liberty and of Parliament. (Laughter.) It seems, listening
to these gentlemen, who had for a long time forgotten the existence of
the Statute, even as a simple historical document,—(Laughter.)—that the
Statute runs a serious risk and that one cannot even discuss nor examine
it.
Well, I think that none of you can consider Camillo Cavour as a
Bolshevist and a Fascista of 1848. Everybody knows that the
Constitutional movement of Piedmont was the work of Cavour. Everybody
knows how the political Constitution was granted. At Genoa a tumult
arose against the Jesuits, believed supporters of Absolutism. A
Commission of Genoese went to Turin and asked for the expulsion of the
Jesuits and the calling out of the Civic Guard. But Cavour answered:
“This is too little, the times are ripe for something more!” Cavour
wrote in his paper, _Il Risorgimento_: “The Constitution must be
demanded.” And this was promulgated on the 4th of March. In its preamble
it says: “The Statute is the fundamental, perpetual law of the
Monarchy.” Four days afterwards the first Constitutional Ministry of
Coalition was formed with the Moderate Balbo and the Democratic Pareto.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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