Mussolini as revealed in his political speeches (November 1914-August 1923)Mussolini, Benito
History
Mussolini as revealed in his political speeches (November 1914-August 1923)
Mussolini, Benito
Fascism -- Italy; Italy -- Politics and government -- 1914-1945; Mussolini, Benito, 1883-1945; Partito nazionale fascista (Italy)
I deny the title of vanguard to Socialism. I deny the use and timeliness
of any co-operation with this party. I maintain that a reactionary party
in 1914, ’15, ’16, ’17, and ’18 cannot become revolutionary in ’19. I
maintain that this serenading of the Socialists is useless, and this
making of advances not clean. One day, in the culminating moment of the
history of humanity, they embraced the cause of reaction represented by
the Germany of the Hohenzollerns and Sudekum. Besides, it is idiotic and
dangerous to lavish blandishments upon the official Socialists; we
cannot reconcile ourselves with these people. There have been those who
have attached themselves to the movement of to-day, but the Socialists
have disdained that help, because they are megalomaniacs and nourish,
among other things, the fatuous vanity of splendid isolation.
_The Revision of the Treaty of Versailles._ The Peace of Versailles is
not a sufficient motive for the courted collaboration. Things must be
made clear. The Socialists talk of annulling the peace; we wish simply
to revise it. We do not condemn wholesale a peace which a German, and
not one of the most insignificant, Edward Bernstein, has called nine
parts just. The revision of the peace must not mean condemnation of the
war. The Florentine Republican Union has published a manifesto which
defines the limits of protest against the Treaty of Versailles.
“We do not wish to conceal,” say the Florentine Republicans, “that,
although requiring radical amendments, the Treaty is, after all, the
consecration of the fall of four Imperial autocracies, the fall of
numerous dynasties, the creation of as many republics, the
re-establishment of Poland, the reconquest of Alsace and Lorraine, and
of Trento and Trieste by Italy, and of Jerusalem by civilised Europe.
All this would suffice, as long as emendations were made, to bear
witness to the supreme sanctity of the Italian intervention in the
atrocious war let loose by the brutal German Hohenzollerns and
Hapsburgs.”
“We do not approve, however, of the proposed general strike as a form of
protest, because—and we say so with the traditional sincerity of our
party—the country is thirsty for fruitful work, and this deluge of
strikes certainly does not help in that.”
“The Peace of Versailles must be corrected and brought into keeping with
the progress of humanity.”
This is also our idea. Rather than seek or beg for useless co-operation,
let us outline a programme of our own of understanding and action. I
refuse, after having got rid of the old, to accept the new dogmas. I
think that it is possible to create a strong economic organisation in
Italy based upon these principles:—
1. Absolute independence from all parties, groups and sets.
2. Federation and autonomy.
3. Abolition, as far as possible, of all paid officials.
4. No steps to be taken without having consulted regularly, by means of
a referendum, the masses interested.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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