Communism -- Soviet Union; Goldman, Emma, 1869-1940; Soviet Union -- History -- Revolution, 1917-1921 -- Personal narratives, American
In the previous pages I have tried to point out why Bolshevik
principles, methods, and tactics failed, and that similar principles
and methods applied in any other country, even of the highest
industrial development, must also fail. I have further shown that it is
not only Bolshevism that failed, but Marxism itself. That is to say, the
STATE IDEA, the _authoritarian principle_, has been proven bankrupt by
the experience of the Russian Revolution. If I were to sum up my whole
argument in one sentence I should say: The inherent tendency of the
State is to concentrate, to narrow, and monopolize all social
activities; the nature of revolution is, on the contrary, to grow, to
broaden, and disseminate itself in ever-wider circles. In other words,
the State is institutional and static; revolution is fluent, dynamic.
These two tendencies are incompatible and mutually destructive. The
State idea killed the Russian Revolution and it must have the same
result in all other revolutions, unless the _libertarian idea prevail_.
Yet I go much further. It is not only Bolshevism, Marxism, and
Governmentalism which are fatal to revolution as well as to all vital
human progress. The main cause of the defeat of the Russian Revolution
lies much deeper. It is to be found in the whole Socialist conception of
revolution itself.
The dominant, almost general, idea of revolution--particularly the
Socialist idea--is that revolution is a violent change of social
conditions through which one social class, the working class, becomes
dominant over another class, the capitalist class. It is the conception
of a purely physical change, and as such it involves only political
scene shifting and institutional rearrangements. Bourgeois dictatorship
is replaced by the “dictatorship of the proletariat”--or by that of its
“advance guard,” the Communist Party; Lenin takes the seat of the
Romanovs, the Imperial Cabinet is rechristened Soviet of People’s
Commissars, Trotsky is appointed Minister of War, and a labourer becomes
the Military Governor General of Moscow. That is, in essence, the
Bolshevik conception of revolution, as translated into actual practice.
And with a few minor alterations it is also the idea of revolution held
by all other Socialist parties.
This conception is inherently and fatally false. Revolution is indeed a
violent process. But if it is to result only in a change of
dictatorship, in a shifting of names and political personalities, then
it is hardly worth while. It is surely not worth all the struggle and
sacrifice, the stupendous loss in human life and cultural values that
result from every revolution. If such a revolution were even to bring
greater social well being (which has not been the case in Russia) then
it would also not be worth the terrific price paid: mere improvement can
be brought about without bloody revolution. It is not palliatives or
reforms that are the real aim and purpose of revolution, as I conceive
it.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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