Now the forlorn hope Dr. Parkhurst had led was followed by a strong column of assault, and although Tammany fought hard to shield its creatures, and Dr. Parkhurst was vilified, accused, even arrested and prosecuted upon trumped-up charges, the city rose to back him. A memorial was presented to the State Senate praying for a full public inquiry into the state of the police department. Tammany still fought; its nominee, Governor Flower, Governor of the State of New York, refused to approve the inquiry, on the ground that it was needless. "No city in the State has a lower tax rate than New York," he said; "no city has a better police regulation; no city has a lower ratio of crime; ... a better health department, better parks, better schools, better credit.... No city is so comfortable a place to live in. That bad men sometimes get into office there is true; that ideal municipal government has not yet been attained there is true; but these things are equally true of every city in the world, they are truer of other cities of our State than they are of New York." Despite all opposition, a Committee was appointed and soon commenced a searching investigation. It was presided over by Senator Lexow, and is still known as the Lexow Commission. How exhaustively it dealt with the business may be seen from the fact that 678 witnesses were examined on oath, that the evidence filled 10,576 pages of printed matter, and that nine months elapsed before it could present its first provisional report. [Illustration: _Photo copyrighted (1894) by G. Prince, New York._ SENATOR LEXOW.] Immense difficulties were experienced in obtaining evidence. The influence of the police was paramount; and it was, no doubt, in consequence of the reluctance of witnesses to speak against the police that the Lexow Committee reported so strongly. It is necessary to bear this in mind, since it may be that the police prejudiced their own case at this point or at that by efforts to keep back the facts. The Committee found that the witnesses they called before them were subjected to outrage if they dared to state what they knew. "They were abused, clubbed, and imprisoned, even convicted of crimes on false testimony by policemen and their accomplices. Men of business were harassed and annoyed in their affairs ... people of all degrees seemed to feel that to antagonise the police was to call down upon themselves the swift judgment and persecution of an invulnerable force.... The uniform belief was that if they spoke against the police, had helped the Committee, or had given information, their business would be ruined, they would be hounded from the city, and their lives even jeopardised." The Committee therefore came to the conclusion that the police formed a separate and highly privileged class, armed with the authority and the machinery for oppression and punishment, but practically free themselves from the operation of the criminal law.