HISTORIA VINLANDIÆ ANTIQVÆ. seu Partis Americæ Septentrionalis, ubi Nominis ratio recensetur, situs terræ ex dierumbrumalium spatio expenditur, soli fertilitas & incolarum barbaries, peregrinorum temporarius incolatus & gesta, vicinarum terrarum nomina & facies ex Antiqvitibus Islandicis in lucem producta exponuntur per THORMODUM TORFÆUM Rerum Norvegicarum Historiographum Regium. HAVNIÆ, Ex Typographéo Regiæ Majest, & Universit, 1705. Impensis Authoris. ] For about five hundred years after this the stories attracted little or no attention.[613] We have seen that Peringskiöld produced these sagas in 1697. Montanus in his _Nieuwe en onbekende Weereld_ (Amsterdam, 1671), and Campanius, in 1702, in his _Kort Beskrifning om Provincien Nya Swerige uti America_ (Stockholm),[614] gave some details. The account which did most, however, to revive an interest in the subject was that of Torfæus in his _Historia Vinlandiæ Antiquæ_ (Copenhagen, 1705), but he was quite content to place the scene of his narrative in America, without attempting to identify localities.[615] The voyages were, a few years later, the subject of a dissertation at the University of Upsala in Sweden.[616] J. P. Cassell, of Bremen, discusses the Adam of Bremen story in another Latin essay, still later.[617] About 1750, Pieter Kalm, a Swede, brought the matter to the attention of Dr. Franklin, as the latter remembered twenty-five years later, when he wrote to Samuel Mather that “the circumstances gave the account a great appearance of authenticity.”[618] In 1755, Paul Henri Mallet (1730-1807), in his _Histoire de Dannemarc_, determines the localities to be Labrador and Newfoundland.[619]