Narrative and Critical History of America, Vol. 2 (of 8): Spanish Explorations and Settlements in America from the Fifteenth to the Seventeenth Century
History
Narrative and Critical History of America, Vol. 2 (of 8): Spanish Explorations and Settlements in America from the Fifteenth to the Seventeenth Century
America -- Discovery and exploration; America -- History; United States -- History
that any known Italian text antedates the Latin, yet to be mentioned.
This Italian text is called _Lettera di Amerigo Vespucci delle isole
nuovamente trovate in quattro suoi viaggi ... Data in Lisbona a di 4 di
Septembre, 1504_. It is a small quarto of sixteen leaves.[543]
Varnhagen does not question that the early Italian print is the better
text, differing as it does from Bassin’s Latin; and he follows it by
preference in all his arguments. He complains that Bandini and Canovai
reprinted it with many errors.
Ramusio in his first volume had reprinted that part of it which covers
the third and fourth voyage; and it had also been given in French in
the collection of Jean Temporal at Lyons in 1556, known otherwise as
Jean Leon’s (Leo Africanus) _Historiale description de l’Afrique_, with
a preface by Ramusio.[544]
It is Major’s belief that the original text of the abstract intended
for Soderini was written in a sort of composite Spanish-Italian
dialect, such as an Italian long in the service of the Iberian nations
might acquire,[545] and that a copy of it coming into the possession
of Vespucius’ countryman, Giocondo, in Paris, it was by that architect
translated into French, and at Ringmann’s suggestion addressed to René
and intrusted to Ringmann to convey to the Duke, of whom the Alsatian
felt proud, as an enlightened sovereign whose dominions were within
easy reach of his own home. Major also suggests that the preliminary
parts of the narrative, referring to the school-day acquaintance of
Vespucius with the person whom he addressed, while it was true of
Soderini,[546] was not so of René; but, being retained, has given rise
to confusion.[547] Lud tells us only that the letters were sent from
Portugal to René in French, and Waldseemüller says that they were
translated from the Italian to the French, but without telling us
whence they came.
We know, at all events, that Ringmann returned to the Vosges country,
and was invited to become professor of Latin in the new college, where
he taught thereafter, and that he had become known, as was the fashion,
under the Latin name of Philesius, whose verses have already been
referred to. The narrative of Vespucius, whether Ringmann brought it
from Paris, or however it came, was not turned from the French into
Latin by him,[548] but, as Lud informs us, by another canon of the
Cathedral, Jean Bassin de Sandacourt, or Johannes Basinus Sandacurius,
as he appears in Lud’s Latin.
Just before this, in 1504, there had joined the college, as teacher
of geography, another young man who had classicized his name, and was
known as Hylacomylus. It was left, as has been mentioned, for Humboldt
(_Examen critique_, iv. 99) to identify him as Martin Waltzemüller,—who
however preferred to write it Waldseemüller.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
Reviews
Reviews
No reviews yet
Be the first to share your thoughts on this work.
Elsewhere in the archive
Join the Discussion
Join the discussion
Sign in to leave a comment or review.
Sign InorCreate an account