Narrative and Critical History of America, Vol. 5 (of 8): The English and French in North America 1689-1763
History
Narrative and Critical History of America, Vol. 5 (of 8): The English and French in North America 1689-1763
America -- Discovery and exploration; America -- History; United States -- History
The beginning of the French war found Horatio Sharpe[600] fresh in
office (1753) as the representative of the man to whom the people
paid this money. There was need of resources to push the conflict, in
which Maryland had common interests with Virginia and Pennsylvania.
The delegates were willing to vote grants, provided the revenue of
the Proprietary would share in the burden. This the governor refused
to consider; but as the war went on, and the western settlements were
abandoned before the Indian forays, Sharpe conceded the point, and
£40,000 were raised, partly out of a double tax upon Catholics, who
were in the main of the upper classes of the people. The question of
supplying the army lasted longer than the £40,000, and each renewal of
the controversy broadened the gulf between the governor and the lower
house. It soon grew to be observed that the delegates planned their
manœuvres with a view to overthrowing, under the stress of the times,
the government of the Proprietary. Occasionally a fit of generosity
would possess the delegates, as when they voted £50 a scalp to some
Cherokee rangers, and £1,500 to the Maryland contingent in Forbes’s
expedition against Du Quesne. It was never difficult, meantime, for
them to lapse into their policy of obstruction. So Maryland did little
to assist in the great conflict which drove the French from North
America.
When the war was practically closed, in 1760, the long dispute over the
boundary with Pennsylvania was brought to an end, substantially, upon
the agreement of 1732, by which the Proprietary of that day had been
over-reached. This fixed the limits of the present State of Delaware,
and marked the parallel which is now known as Mason and Dixon’s line.
The most powerful colony south of that line was Virginia, with whom
Maryland was also destined to have a protracted boundary dispute,
that has extended to our own time, and has been in part relegated to
the consideration of the new State, which the exigencies of the civil
war caused to be detached from the Old Dominion. What was and is the
most westerly of the head fountains of the Potomac (so the charter
described the point from which the meridian of Maryland’s western
line should run) depended on seeking that spot at the source of the
northern or southern fork of the river. The decision gave or lost to
Maryland thirty or forty square miles of rich territory. A temporary
concession on Maryland’s part, which entailed such a loss, became a
precedent which she has found it difficult to dislodge. Again, as the
line followed down the Potomac, whether it gave the bed of that river
to Virginia or to Maryland, has produced further dispute, complicated
by diversities in the maps and by assumptions of rights, but in 1877
arbitration confirmed the bed to Maryland. Changing names and shifting
and disappearing soil along the banks of the Chesapeake have also made
an uncertainty of direction in the line, as it crosses the bay to the
eastern shore.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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