Narrative and Critical History of America, Vol. 6 (of 8): The United States of North America, Part I
History
Narrative and Critical History of America, Vol. 6 (of 8): The United States of North America, Part I
America -- Discovery and exploration; America -- History; United States -- History
The case of Joseph Galloway, at first esteemed a most resolute
patriot, and then committing himself to extreme loyalty, presents
us an example. He was a lawyer of great abilities, a gentleman of
wealth and of high social position. He had made many strong protests
against the oppressive measures of government. He was a member of the
Pennsylvania Assembly eighteen years, and twelve years its speaker. He
says[664] that when he was chosen as a delegate to the first Congress
he positively refused to serve unless he was allowed to draw his own
"instructions." He was permitted to do so, and he himself signed
them as speaker. They contain this injunction: "You are strictly
charged to avoid everything indecent and disrespectful to the mother
state." Chosen a delegate to the second Congress, he positively
declined to serve, though importuned to do so by Dr. Franklin. The
instructions given to the eight associates named with him for this
second Congress contained the stringent words, "We strictly enjoin
you that you, in behalf of this colony, dissent from and utterly
reject any propositions, should such be made, that may cause or lead
to a separation from the mother country, or a change of the form of
government." The removal of this restriction on June 14, 1776, enabled
a majority of the delegates to give the vote of the province for
independence.
No man in this first Congress marked a stronger contrast to Galloway
than Samuel Adams, the "man of the people." Compared with what Joseph
Reed called "the fine fellows from Virginia", Adams was not what is
conventionally called a gentleman; but while John Hancock brought from
Massachusetts money and ambition, his colleague carried the hardier
brains of the two. The odious epithet of "demagogue" attached to Adams,
not because of any beguiling arts, but from his plain simplicity of
garb, preferred associates, manners, and mode of life. In his cheap and
homely attire, dispensing with any other mode of influence than that of
an honest heart and a vigorous mind, he had made himself the familiar
companion of the mechanics, artificers, and craftsmen of North Boston,
the shipbuilders, joiners, and calkers,—the rough, honest, and thrifty
democracy,—with whom, sitting on a spar or loitering in a workshop, he
would spend long and instructive hours. He was puritanically religious
and rigidly observant of solemnities, prayed in his family, and asked
a blessing at each meal of his simple fare. He neglected his own
business to devote himself to public interests. Of his own poverty he
was neither ashamed nor proud. It would not have been seemly for him
to have presented himself to the courtly gentry of the Congress as he
appeared in the streets of Boston. It would doubtless have confirmed
the prejudice which many entertained of him as an ill-bred mass-leader.
For deep and wide learning in legal, political, and economical science,
added to his college culture, and for debating powers, he was the
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