Narrative and Critical History of America, Vol. 6 (of 8): The United States of North America, Part I
History
Narrative and Critical History of America, Vol. 6 (of 8): The United States of North America, Part I
America -- Discovery and exploration; America -- History; United States -- History
It was, therefore, mainly on the constitutional question—of the right
to tax, rather than to throw off intolerable burdens—that people
divided into parties. As Webster said, "They went to war against a
preamble. They fought seven years against a declaration."[137] To
understand the attitude of the tories on the economic question as
well as on the constitutional question, we must consider the state of
colonial affairs which led to the Congress of 1754, and the tentative
efforts of that body to find consistent and reciprocal relations of the
colonies to the imperial government, for union, defence, and revenue.
To understand the attitude of the patriots, we must consider the
reasons of the ministry for rejecting such a union, and their efforts
to force each colony into relations to the crown and Parliament deemed
by them consistent and reciprocal, but regarded by the colonists as
subversive of their rights as Englishmen, and of their rights acquired
by charters, growth, development, and usage, which, as they justly
claimed, had become constitutional.
Though the enforcement of the navigation laws and acts of trade, at
the close of the French War, is regarded by historians as one of the
principal causes of the Revolution, I fail to find a satisfactory
or entirely accurate account of them, either as the basis of the
mercantile system, or, later, of a revenue system. Such a treatment
would hardly be practicable in the limits of a general history. These
laws have been elaborately discussed by Thomas Mun, Sir Josiah Child,
Sir William Patty, Charles Davenant, Joshua Gee, John Ashley, and, not
to mention others, Adam Smith and Henry Brougham. But these authors
wrote with reference to their influence, as part of the mercantile
system, on British interests. How they affected colonial interests is
the question which chiefly concerns us.
To answer this question we must know not merely what those laws
enacted, but to what state of colonial trade they originally and
successively applied. For instance, what, from time to time, by
development of agricultural or other industries, between 1640 and 1774,
had the colonists to sell, and what, as they increased in wealth, did
they wish to purchase; and where, left to the unrestricted course of
trade, would they have carried their products, and where purchased
their merchandise? In other words, what would they have done and become
under free trade?
Then we must know what changes in this normal condition of trade were
intended by the navigation laws, and to what extent and with what
effect their partial enforcement operated before 1763. With these facts
before us, we could estimate with some exactness the valid objections
to the new system on the part of the colonists, when enforced by the
British navy, commissioners of customs, admiralty courts, and writs of
assistance, and what was their influence in bringing on the Revolution.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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