But this is not all the denial. It is not true that any inhabitants of Canada, political or non-political, sympathizers with the national integrity and lawful authority of the United States or with the rebellion of the slave-owners, were parties to Confederate warfare based in Canada against the Federal States. The Canadian government and people at much cost and inconvenience in 1864 and 1865, posted forces of Militia Volunteers along the frontier to prevent American rebel refugees, resident in Canada, from making raids across the boundary line. I might be more explicit and elaborate on this matter, which so intimately affects the two great nationalities who in common speak the English language in North America, but for the present refer to a book entitled “CANADA A BATTLE GROUND, by Alexander Somerville” (present writer) published early in 1862. In that publication the sympathy of Canadians, for the lawful government of the United States was asserted, and the estrangement which painfully occurred, foreshadowed. Mr. Seward, in reference to Canada being annexed to the States, writing in 1856, before he was Secretary of State had said “All Southern stars must set though many times they rise again with diminished lustre. But those which illuminate the pole remain for ever shining, for ever increasing in splendour.” To which the author of “Canada a Battle Ground” rejoined in 1862, page 24. “Remark. It is belief in that bright destiny of Northern free nations which binds Britain, Canada, and other Colonies together. They will not separate. For Britain to willfully pluck her Empire in pieces to set up new nations in conformity to some theory of magnanimity, is an offence to the simplest principles of political philosophy. Were Canada to demand separation, and obtain it; or were she cut adrift, the inevitable fate of absorption, by her more powerful neighbour, and extinction of political existence, would follow. The integrity and perennial vigour of the British empire should be the lofty political faith of all Conservatives and rational Reformers whether at home or in the colonies. And they who desire the permanence of British stability, or deserve the personal safety and freedom guaranteed by imperial laws, and by institutions at once venerable, and youthfully elastic in their adaptability to new circumstances, must by a logical necessity—if they hold any settled conservative principle—cherish a sympathy for other free nations, and hold in abhorrence a rebellious appeal to arms to overturn constitutional government. * * * * *