Negroes and Negro "Slavery:" the first an inferior race: the latter its normal condition.Van Evrie, John H.
History
Negroes and Negro "Slavery:" the first an inferior race: the latter its normal condition.
Van Evrie, John H.
African Americans; Slavery -- Justification; Slavery -- United States
The great revolutionary movement of 1776 gave full expression to the new
modes of thought, the grand ideas, the glorious truths thus developed in
the mind of Virginia, and relatively in the other colonies, where this
_cause_, this negro element had anything like a stationary existence. It
was no accident or chance that made Mr. Jefferson the author of the
great idea, or rather the exponent of the idea embodied in the
Declaration of Independence, the grand and immortal truth, that all
white men are created equal, and therefore entitled to equal rights, or,
as he expressed it, to “life, liberty, and happiness.” True, some other
Virginian might have done this, and possibly some mind in the Middle
Provinces, New Jersey, or New York, might have formed a tolerably clear
conception of this great fixed and unchangeable truth that underlies the
whole superstructure of our political society; but no man in the
Northern Provinces could have risen to this mental elevation at that
period in our history; indeed comparatively few are even now capable of
it. Massachusetts and the neighboring colonies grasped the idea of
independence with great clearness, and urged it with an earnestness,
bravery, and indomitable perseverance certainly unsurpassed, if equalled
elsewhere, but it was independence of a foreign dominion, and not
independence of foreign ideas or of a hostile system. They were without
negroes, without any natural substratum in the social elements, without
any test or standard to determine men’s natural relations to each other,
and clinging to the mental habits of their British ancestors, they were
therefore incapable of forming those grand and truthful conceptions of
equality which Mr. Jefferson, and Virginians generally, under the
influences that have been stated, so clearly apprehended. The accidental
and artificial distinctions of society—family influence, wealth,
education, etc., were as in England, though, of course, not to the same
extent—the standards, the tests, the landmarks of the political as well
as the social order, and the phrase often used by New England writers of
our own day, that “representation was inseparable from taxation,” fully
expressed the mental habits and imperfect political conceptions of the
Northern mind. In England, except the titled aristocracy, the House of
Lords or Peerage, which pretends to rest on blood or birth (?), wealth
alone gives rights. The _man_ is nowhere, no part or portion, or element
even of the political system. In every county where he happens to have
property, he has a vote, but if without property, he has no voice
whatever, and, as observed, is not even an element of representation, as
are the negroes of the South. Taxation and representation, therefore,
are inseparable, so far as forms are concerned, in the British system,
though, as a fact, it is the working classes, who are not represented at
all, that must pay all the taxes in the end. The mental habits of the
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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