Negroes and Negro "Slavery:" the first an inferior race: the latter its normal condition.Van Evrie, John H.
History
Negroes and Negro "Slavery:" the first an inferior race: the latter its normal condition.
Van Evrie, John H.
African Americans; Slavery -- Justification; Slavery -- United States
No one, however ignorant or prejudiced in favor of Britishism, or
“British liberty,” can suppose for a moment that such stupendous results
as these, or that such a social condition as that of England, could ever
be brought about by natural causes. They are all of the same race, with
the same natural capacities as well as wants, and if there be any
difference, or any natural inferiority, it is within the governing
class, whose intermarriage among the landed aristocracy has deteriorated
their blood, and reduced them below the normal standard.
It is the government, therefore—the contrivance or political machine
which has worked out these tremendous results—that has dug this mighty
chasm between beings whom the Almighty has created alike, and therefore
forbidden any governmental distinction.
The notion that government should benefit their condition,
therefore—should make them richer and happier—originates in the fact
itself in England, and those who, like the federalists, formed all their
ideas of government after the British model, sought naturally enough to
wield it for these supposed beneficent purposes. There was the same
social conflict, in a degree, at the North as in England. It was the
interest of the capitalist or employer to get all the labor possible
with as little expense as might be, while the laborer would naturally
seek to get as high wages as possible, and in return give as little
labor as possible.
The capitalists, the men of wealth, the professional classes, merchants,
indeed all classes of Northern society, except the agricultural class,
were attracted to the federal party, and, in addition, speculators and
projectors of every kind were naturally drawn in the same direction.
These classes, embracing all the wealth, and cultivation, and social
influence of the day, rallied in support of the federal party, which,
with the government in its hands, with the prestige of power, and nearly
all of the intellectual men of the time on its side, was irresistible,
so far as the North was concerned. The producing classes, the farmers
and laborers—those only that were naturally opposed to its policy, or
whose real interests were in conflict with its policy—were then
comparatively helpless. The right of suffrage was exceedingly limited,
and though the agricultural class largely outnumbered the others, they
were ignorant, without guides, and indeed quite helpless in the grasp of
the federal leaders. The federal party, as has been stated, had, by so
construing the constitution, usurped power that rendered the government
substantially such as they originally desired to establish, and the
masses, without intelligent leaders, were powerless to resist. And any
one intelligently contemplating the condition of things in the Northern
States during the administration of the elder Adams, must be
irresistibly forced to the conclusion that the masses—the laboring and
producing classes—were wholly unable to relieve themselves from the
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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