In Brazil there are nearly four millions of negroes that are called slaves, but held more by the bonds of pecuniary interest than they are by nature, as with us. There is a large mulatto and mongrel population, often highly educated, possessing vast wealth, with, of course, all the advantage? that these things give when society does not rest on natural distinctions. A mulatto or mongrel in Virginia or Mississippi may be left to take cure of himself, or be a so-called freeman, but he can never be a citizen—can never in any thing whatever be legally endowed with the social attributes, any more than he can with the natural attributes, of the white man. But in Brazil, and, indeed, in Cuba, the mulatto, mongrel, or negro may by law become a citizen, may own slaves, may, in short, be artificially invested with all the “rights” by the government that nature—that God himself has withheld or forbidden. The white man in Cuba is a slave to a foreign dominion, and this same foreign power, while it withholds from him his natural rights, forces the negro by the same arbitrary power into legal equality with him. The arbitrary force is less in Brazil, but the low grade of manhood in the white element, its extensive affiliation and consequent deterioration with the subject race, has rendered them incapable of either comprehending liberty or of enjoying free institutions. The negro that was a slave once becomes a citizen, with all the legal rights of the white man, and, if he inherits wealth, educates his children, etc., then these artificial and accidental things, instead of the distinctions of nature, become the line of demarcation in society. If a planter has a family of children by his negro slaves, and educates them and leaves them his wealth, then they become influential citizens, makers of the government, etc., and leaders of fashion, perhaps, in Rio Janeiro and other cities. The white man is so degraded, the instinct of race so perverted, the sense of superiority so obtuse—in short, the nature of the Caucasian so completely corrupted by extensive affiliations with the subject race, that natural distinctions are no longer a line of demarcation, and wealth, accident, etc., as in Europe, and as the Federalists once desired, are the basis of the political and social order. It is somewhat different in Cuba, for here the American instinct of race and the high appreciation of manhood common to all societies based on the order of nature have a certain influence. But even in Cuba, in our own neighborhood, within a few hours’ sail of our coast, society rests upon an artificial basis, and what is called slavery rather involves pecuniary considerations than a question of races.