New York Times Current History: The European War from the Beginning to March 1915, Vol 1, No. 2: Who Began the War, and Why?Various
History
New York Times Current History: The European War from the Beginning to March 1915, Vol 1, No. 2: Who Began the War, and Why?
Various
World War, 1914-1918
attitude of neutrality at a time when we are forced in defense of vital
British interests ourselves to fight--what then will be the position in
the Mediterranean? It might be that at some critical moment those
consequences would be forced upon us because our trade routes in the
Mediterranean might be vital to this country.
Nobody can say that in the course of the next few weeks there is any
particular trade route, the keeping open of which may not be vital to
this country. What will be our position then? We have not kept a fleet
in the Mediterranean which is equal to dealing alone with a combination
of other fleets in the Mediterranean. It would be the very moment when
we could not detach more ships to the Mediterranean, and we might have
exposed this country from our negative attitude at the present moment to
the most appalling risk. I say that from the point of view of British
interests. We feel strongly that France was entitled to know--and to
know at once--whether or not in the event of attack upon her unprotected
northern and western coasts she could depend upon British support. In
that emergency, and in these compelling circumstances, yesterday
afternoon I gave to the French Ambassador the following statement:
I am authorized to give an assurance that if the German fleet comes
into the Channel or through the North Sea to undertake hostile
operations against the French coasts or shipping, the British fleet
will give all the protection in its power. This assurance is, of
course, subject to the policy of his Majesty's Government receiving
the support of Parliament, and must not be taken as binding his
Majesty's Government to take any action until the above contingency
of action by the German fleet takes place.
I read that to the House, not as a declaration of war on our part, not
as entailing immediate aggressive action on our part, but as binding us
to take aggressive action should that contingency arise. Things move
very hurriedly from hour to hour. Fresh news comes in, and I cannot give
this in any very formal way; but I understand that the German
Government would be prepared, if we would pledge ourselves to
neutrality, to agree that its fleet would not attack the northern coast
of France. I have only heard that shortly before I came to the House,
but it is far too narrow an engagement for us. And, Sir, there is the
more serious consideration--becoming more serious every hour--there is
the question of the neutrality of Belgium.
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