New York Times Current History: The European War from the Beginning to March 1915, Vol 1, No. 2: Who Began the War, and Why?Various
History
New York Times Current History: The European War from the Beginning to March 1915, Vol 1, No. 2: Who Began the War, and Why?
Various
World War, 1914-1918
There is, I admit, the obligation of the treaty. It is not
necessary, nor would time permit me, to enter into the complicated
question of the nature of the obligations of that treaty; but I am
not able to subscribe to the doctrine of those who have held in
this House what plainly amounts to an assertion, that the simple
fact of the existence of a guarantee is binding on every party to
it, irrespectively altogether of the particular position in which
it may find itself at the time when the occasion for acting on the
guarantee arises. The great authorities upon foreign policy to whom
I have been accustomed to listen, such as Lord Aberdeen and Lord
Palmerston, never to my knowledge took that rigid and, if I may
venture to say so, that impracticable view of the guarantee. The
circumstance, that there is already an existing guarantee in force,
is, of necessity, an important fact, and a weighty element in the
case, to which we are bound to give full and ample consideration.
There is also this further consideration, the force of which we
must all feel most deeply, and that is, the common interests
against the unmeasured aggrandizement of any power whatever.
The treaty is an old treaty--1839--and that was the view taken of it in
1870. It is one of those treaties which are founded, not only on
consideration for Belgium, which benefits under the treaty, but in the
interests of those who guarantee the neutrality of Belgium. The honor
and interests are, at least, as strong today as in 1870, and we cannot
take a more narrow view or a less serious view of our obligations, and
of the importance of those obligations, than was taken by Mr.
Gladstone's Government in 1870.
I will read to the House what took place last week on this subject. When
mobilization was beginning, I knew that this question must be a most
important element in our policy--a most important subject for the House
of Commons. I telegraphed at the same time in similar terms to both
Paris and Berlin to say that it was essential for us to know whether the
French and German Governments respectively were prepared to undertake an
engagement to respect the neutrality of Belgium. These are the replies.
I got from the French Government this reply:
The French Government are resolved to respect the neutrality of
Belgium, and it would only be in the event of some other power
violating that neutrality that France might find herself under the
necessity, in order to assure the defense of her security, to act
otherwise. This assurance has been given several times. The
President of the Republic spoke of it to the King of the Belgians,
and the French Minister at Brussels has spontaneously renewed the
assurance to the Belgian Minister of Foreign Affairs today.
From the German Government the reply was:
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
Reviews
Reviews
No reviews yet
Be the first to share your thoughts on this work.
Elsewhere in the archive
Join the Discussion
Join the discussion
Sign in to leave a comment or review.
Sign InorCreate an account