New York Times Current History: The European War, Vol 1, No. 1: From the Beginning to March, 1915, With IndexVarious
History
New York Times Current History: The European War, Vol 1, No. 1: From the Beginning to March, 1915, With Index
Various
World War, 1914-1918
The first group is, of course, the most important, both practically and
sentimentally. And the main question in it is the question of Belgium.
The original cause of the war was Germany's deliberate and advertised
bellicosity, and it might be thought that the first aim of peace would
be by some means to extinguish that bellicosity. But relative values may
change during the progress of a war, and the question of Belgium--which
means the question of the sanction of international pledges--now stands
higher in the general view than the question of disarmament. Germany has
outraged the public law of Europe, and she has followed up her outrage
with a series of the most cowardly and wanton crimes. She ought to pay,
and she ought to apologize. Only by German payment and German apology
can international law be vindicated. Germany should pay a sum large
enough to do everything that money can do toward the re-establishment of
Belgium's well-being. I have no competence to suggest the amount of the
indemnity. A hundred million pounds does not appear to me too large.
Then the apology. It may be asked: Why an apology? Would not an apology
be implied in the payment of an indemnity?
It is undeniable that Germany is now directed by hysteric stupidity
wielding a bludgeon. Granted, if you will, that half the nation is at
heart against the stupidity and the bludgeon. So much the worse for the
half. Citizens who have not had the wit to get rid of the Prussian
franchise law must accept all the consequences of their political
ineffectiveness. The peacemakers will not be able to divide Germany into
two halves.
For Potsdam a first-rate spectacular effect is needed, and that effect
would best be produced by a German national apology carried by a
diplomatic mission with ceremony to Brussels and published in all German
official papers, and emphasized by a procession of Belgian troops down
Unter den Linden. This visible abasement of German arms in front of the
Socialists of Berlin would be an invaluable aid to the breaking of
military tyranny in Prussia.
So much for the Belgium question and the sanction of international
pledges. The other question affecting the whole of Europe is the hope of
a universal limitation of armaments. But there is a particular question,
touching France, which in practice would come before that. I mean
Alsace-Lorraine. Unless Germany conquers Europe, Alsace-Lorraine should
be restored to France. A profound national sentiment, to which all
conceivable considerations of expediency or ultimate advantage are
unimportant, demands imperatively the return of the plunder. And in the
councils of the Allies, either alone or with German representatives, the
attitude of French diplomacy would be: "Is it clear about
Alsace-Lorraine? If so, we may proceed. If not, it's no use going any
further."
*Question of Armaments.*
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