New York Times Current History: The European War, Vol 1, No. 1: From the Beginning to March, 1915, With IndexVarious
History
New York Times Current History: The European War, Vol 1, No. 1: From the Beginning to March, 1915, With Index
Various
World War, 1914-1918
I have tried to show that we are in no way to blame for the hostility
which has grown up between us. So far as it had any solid cause at all
it has arisen from fixed factors, which could no more be changed by us
than the geographical position which has laid us right across their exit
to the oceans of the world. That this deeply rooted national sentiment,
which forever regarded us as the Carthage to which they were destined to
play the part of Rome, would, sooner or later, have brought about war
between us, is, in my opinion, beyond all doubt. But it was planned to
come at the moment which was least favorable for Britain. "Even English
attempts at a rapprochement must not blind us to the real situation,"
says Bernhardi. "We may, at most, use them to delay the necessary and
inevitable war until we may fairly imagine we have some prospect of
success." A more shameless sentence was never penned, and one stands
marveling which is the more grotesque--the cynicism of the sentiment or
the folly which gave such a warning to the victim. For be it remembered
that Bernhardi's words are to be taken very seriously, for they are not
the ravings of some Pan-German monomaniac, but the considered views of
the foremost military writer of Germany, one who is in touch with those
inner circles whose opinions are the springs of national policy. "Our
last and greatest reckoning is to be with Great Britain," said the
bitter Treitschke. Sooner or later the shock was to come. Germany sat
brooding over the chessboard of the world waiting for the opening which
should assure a winning game.
* * * * *
It was clear that she should take her enemies separately rather than
together. If Britain were attacked it was almost certain that France and
Russia would stand by her side. But if, on the contrary, the quarrel
could be made with these two powers, and especially with Russia, in the
first instance, then it was by no means so certain that Great Britain
would be drawn into the struggle. Public opinion has to be strongly
moved before our country can fight, and public opinion under a Liberal
Government might well be divided upon the subject of Russia. Therefore,
if the quarrel could be so arranged as to seem to be entirely one
between Teuton and Slav there was a good chance that Britain would
remain undecided until the swift German sword had done its work. Then,
with the grim acquiescence of our deserted allies, the still bloody
sword would be turned upon ourselves, and that great final reckoning
would have come.
* * * * *
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