New York Times Current History: The European War, Vol 2, No. 1, April, 1915: April-September, 1915Various
History
New York Times Current History: The European War, Vol 2, No. 1, April, 1915: April-September, 1915
Various
World War, 1914-1918
The suggestion that America should take any such lead is resisted first
on the ground that it is a violation of her traditional policy, and
secondly that "economic and social forces" are bound to be ineffective
unless backed by military, so that the plea would involve her in a
militarist policy. With reference to these two points, I pointed out in
the preceding article that America's isolation from a movement for world
agreement would infallibly land her in a very pronounced militarist
policy, the increase of her armaments, the militarization of her
civilization and all that that implies.
There are open to America at this present moment two courses: one which
will lead her to militarism and the indefinite increase of
armaments--that is the course of isolation from the world's life, from
the new efforts that will be made toward world organization; the other
to anticipate events and take the initiative in the leadership of world
organization, which would have the effect of rendering western
civilization, including herself, less military, less dependent upon
arms, and put the development of that civilization on a civilist rather
than a militarist basis.
I believe that it is the failure to realize that this intervention can
be non-military in character which explains the reluctance of very many
Americans to depart from their traditional policy of non-intervention.
With reference to that point it is surely germane to remember that the
America of 1914 is not the America of 1776; circumstances which made
Washington's advice sound and statesmanlike have been transformed. The
situation today is not that of a tiny power not yet solidified, remote
from the main currents of the world's life, out-matched in resources by
any one of the greater powers of Europe. America is no longer so remote
as to have little practical concern with Europe. Its contacts with
Europe are instantaneous, daily, intimate, innumerable--so much so
indeed that our own civilization will be intimately affected and
modified by certain changes which threaten in the older world.
I will put the case thus: Suppose that there are certain developments in
Europe which would profoundly threaten our own civilization and our own
security, and suppose further that we could without great cost to
ourselves so guide or direct those changes and developments as to render
them no longer a menace to this country. If such a case could be
established, would not adherence to a formula established under
eighteenth century conditions have the same relation to sound politics
that the incantations and taboos of superstitious barbarians have to
sound religion? And I think such a case can be established.
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