New York Times Current History: The European War, Vol 2, No. 1, April, 1915: April-September, 1915Various
History
New York Times Current History: The European War, Vol 2, No. 1, April, 1915: April-September, 1915
Various
World War, 1914-1918
Because of the great and conflicting interests involved, the question of
Poland may prove of similar importance and difficulty at the congress
which will conclude the present war. Hence, it seems desirable to
consider it carefully and in good time. It is true that the study of the
Polish problem does not seem to be very urgent at the present moment. In
view of the slow progress of the Allies in the east and west, it appears
that the war will be long drawn out. Still, it is quite possible that it
will come to an early and sudden end. Austria-Hungary is visibly tiring
of the hopeless struggle into which she was plunged by Germany, and
which hitherto has brought her nothing but loss, disgrace, and disaster.
After all, the war is bound to end earlier or later in an Austro-German
defeat, and if it should be fought to the bitter end Austria-Hungary
will obviously suffer far more severely than will Germany. A protracted
war, which would lead merely to the lasting impoverishment of Germany,
would bring about the economic annihilation of impecunious Austria.
Besides, while a complete defeat would cause to Germany only the loss of
territories in the east, west, and north which are largely inhabited by
disaffected Poles, Frenchmen, and Danes, and would not very greatly
reduce the purely German population of Germany, it would probably result
in the dissolution of the Dual Monarchy, which lacks a homogeneous
population, and it might lead to Austria's disappearance as a great
State. If complete disaster should overwhelm the empire of Francis
Joseph, Hungary would undoubtedly make herself independent. The Dual
Monarchy would become a heap of wreckage, and in the end the German
parts of Austria would probably become a German province, Vienna a
provincial Prussian town, the proud Hapsburgs subordinate German
princelings. If, on the other hand, Austria-Hungary should make quickly
a separate peace with her opponents, she would presumably lose only the
Polish parts of Galicia to the new kingdom of Poland, and Bosnia and
Herzegovina to Serbia; and she might receive most satisfactory
compensation for these losses by the acquisition of the German parts of
Silesia and by the adherence of the largely Roman Catholic South German
States, which have far more in common with Austria than with Protestant
Prussia. As a result of the war, Austria-Hungary might be greatly
strengthened at Germany's cost, provided the monarchy makes peace
without delay. In any case, only by an early peace can the bulk of the
lands of the Hapsburgs be preserved for the ruling house, and can
national bankruptcy be avoided. There is an excellent and most valuable
precedent for such action on Austria's part. Bismarck laid down the
essence of statesmanship in the maxim "Salus Publica Suprema Lex," and
defined in his memoirs the binding power of treaties of alliance by the
phrase "Ultra posse nemo obligatur." Referring particularly to the
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