New York Times Current History: The European War, Vol 2, No. 1, April, 1915: April-September, 1915Various
History
New York Times Current History: The European War, Vol 2, No. 1, April, 1915: April-September, 1915
Various
World War, 1914-1918
We love our country. For centuries we have fought to maintain our
individual civilization against the large neighbors who surround us. We
try to live up to our good reputation as a home for all those who
suffer. The people who are made homeless by Germany come to us and we
try to feed them on such grain as the British Government allows to pass
through the Channel. We try to continue in our duty toward all our
neighbors, even when they declare the entire North Sea (in which we also
have a certain interest) as a place of battle and blow up our ships with
their mines. We patiently destroy the mines which swim away from our
neighbors' territorial waters and land upon our shores. In short, we
perform a very difficult act of balancing as well as we can. But it
seems to us that under difficult circumstances we are following the only
correct road which can lead to the ultimate goal which we wish to
reach--the lasting respect of all those who will judge us without
prejudice and malice.
It is very kind of Mr. Wells to offer us territorial compensation, but
we respectfully decline such a reward for the sort of attack which was
popular in the days of the old Machiavelli.
HENDRIK WILLEM VAN LOON.
New York, Feb. 26, 1915.
[Illustration]
Hungary After the War
By a Correspondent of The London Times
[From The London Times, Jan. 20, 1915.]
The allied powers are agreed that the European resettlement must be
inspired by the principle of nationality. It will be but just if Hungary
suffers severely from its application, for during the past forty years
no European Government has sinned so deeply and persistently against
that principle as has her Magyar Government. The old Hungary, whose name
and history are surrounded by the glamour of romance, was not the modern
"Magyarland." Its boasted constitutional liberties were, indeed,
confined to the nobles, and the "Hungarian people" was composed, in the
words of Verböczy's Tripartitum Code, of "prelates, barons, and other
magnates, also all nobles, but not commoners." But the nobles of all
Hungarian races rallied to the Hungarian banner, proud of the title of
civis hungaricus. John Hunyádi, the national hero, was a Rumane; Zrinyi
was a Croat, and many another paladin of Hungarian liberty was a
non-Magyar. Latin was the common language of the educated. But with the
substitution of Magyar for Latin during the nineteenth century, and with
the growth of what is called the "Magyar State Idea," with its
accompaniment of Magyar Chauvinism, all positive recognition of the
rights and individuality of non-Magyar races gradually vanished.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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