New York Times Current History; The European War, Vol 2, No. 2, May, 1915: April-September, 1915Various
History
New York Times Current History; The European War, Vol 2, No. 2, May, 1915: April-September, 1915
Various
World War, 1914-1918
Sir Robert Borden, for instance. Some days ago he most amiably gave me a
little private talk on these matters, of course on the tacit
understanding that he was not to be "interviewed" as for close reporting
of his informal sentences. He was, by the way, apparently in robust
health, as if, like Mr. Asquith, of a temperament to flourish under the
heaviest responsibilities ever laid on a Prime Minister in his own
country. No statesman could be of aspect and utterance less hurried, nor
more pleasant, lucid, cautious, disposed to give a friendly caller large
and accurate information briefly, while disclosing nothing at variance
with or unfindable in his published speeches. Of some of them he
repeated apposite slices; to others he referred for further
enlightenment as to his views on imperial federation. Really he was
neither secretive nor newly informative. The Premier of Canada at any
time is governed, much as I have endeavored to show how the electors
are, by that natural, instinctive course of the general loyal Canadian
mind, which constitutes "the situation" and controls Governmental
proceedings on behalf of the public.
Well meaning persons who allege Sir Robert to have either favored or
disfavored imperial federation have been inaccurate. Precisely what
imperial federation may be nobody knows, for the simple and sufficient
reason that nobody has ever sketched or elaborated a scheme in that
regard which appeared or appears desirable as a change from the
all-compelling situation. What has never been adopted as desirable
cannot be termed practicable in statesmen's language. To declare an
untried scheme impracticable might be an error of rashness.
The idea of federating the empire has long attracted Sir Robert, with
many other admirable Canadians and Britons, since it connotes or
involves the concept of British Union for all worthy and necessary
purposes, including maintenance of local autonomy or self-government,
surely a most praiseworthy design. Discussion of that idea is unlikely
to be harmful; it may be useful; something may come of it that may seem
desirable and practicable to substantially all interests and people
concerned. A consummation devoutly to be wished, but not to be rushed!
One point, frequently specified in Sir Robert's public speeches, was
stated as follows in a recent report, pamphleted for distribution by his
own side:
It is impossible to believe that the existing status, so far
as it concerns the control of foreign policy and
extra-imperial relations, can remain as it is today. All are
conscious of the complexity of the problem thus presented; and
no one need despair of a satisfactory solution, and no one can
doubt the profound influence which the tremendous events of
the past few months and of those in the immediate future must
exercise upon one of the most interesting and far-reaching
questions ever presented for the consideration of statesmen.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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