New York Times Current History; The European War, Vol 2, No. 2, May, 1915: April-September, 1915Various
History
New York Times Current History; The European War, Vol 2, No. 2, May, 1915: April-September, 1915
Various
World War, 1914-1918
Has this system of the free Commonwealth, as distinguished
from the German principle of a centralized empire organized
primarily for war, broken down under the supreme test, as so
many of our prophets predicted? On the contrary, it has alone
saved South Africa to the empire, besides eliciting
unrestricted military aid from each part. Why change it for
something diametrically opposed to its spirit, substituting
compulsion for liberty, provinces for nation-States?
Sir Richard Jebb's sentence, specifying the nature of the Australian
influence on foreign policy, seems apt reply to Sir Robert Borden's
oft-repeated specification that a share in control of foreign policy
should accrue to the Dominions by reason of their participation in or
liability to war. This liability really compels them to engage with all
their strength, lest they comfort an enemy by abstention, or by
confining their armaments to self-defense, which might and would be read
as disapproval of Britain's course, if the war were one of magnitude
endangering her. A system more powerfully requiring Great Britain to
take heed that her quarrel be just, lest she be not thrice armed by
approving children, can scarcely be imagined.
On this matter I have had the pleasure and benefit, during the last
twelve years, of talking with Sir Wilfrid Laurier often. In the quoted
Jebb view he agreed closely when I saw him a few days ago. He remarked,
with special regard to this article for THE NEW YORK TIMES, that his
point of insistence at the Imperial Conferences of 1902, 1907, 1911, and
on all proper occasions, has been that local autonomy--that is, complete
self-government for each of the Dominions--is not only consistent with
British unity but necessary thereto as promoting and conserving that
unity.
When Mr. Asquith's denial of the practicability of giving the Dominions
a direct share in control of Great Britain's foreign policy is
considered, the Jebb-Laurier view would appear one to which Sir Robert
Borden, cautious statesman, must be led by recognition that potent
influence on foreign policy cannot but come to Dominions energetically
providing at once for their own defense and for their power to aid Great
Britain all along the line.
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