Municipal government -- United States; Peace; Political participation -- United States; Social justice; Working class -- United States
How did the public become hypnotized into a passive endurance of a
street warfare in which two associations were engaged, like feudal
chiefs with their recalcitrant retainers? In those similar cases, when
blood grew too hot on both sides, the mediaeval emperor intervened and
compelled peace. General public opinion is our hard-won substitute for
the emperor’s personal will. Public opinion, however, did not assert
itself and interfere--on the contrary, the entire town acquiesced in
the statement of the contestants that this method of warfare was the
only one possible, and thereupon yielded to a tendency to overvalue
physical force and to ignore the subtler and less obvious conditions on
which the public welfare rests. At that time all methods of arbitration
and legal redress were completely set aside.
There is no doubt but that ideas and words which at one time fill a
community with enthusiasm may, after a few years, cease to be a moving
force, apparently from no other reason than that they are spent and
no longer fit into the temper of the hour. Such a fate has evidently
befallen the word “arbitration,” at least in Chicago, as it is applied
to industrial struggles. Almost immediately following the labor
disturbances of 1894 in Chicago, the agitation was begun for a State
Board of Arbitration, resulting in legislation and the appointment of
the Illinois Board. At that time the public believed that arbitration
would go far towards securing industrial peace, or at least that it
would provide the device through which labor troubles could be speedily
adjusted, and during that period there was much talk concerning
compulsory arbitration with reference to the successful attempts in New
Zealand.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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